Abstract
This chapter analyses the processes whereby thousands of Romani people have been segregated and confined to territorially stigmatized camps in Italy’s capital over the last 40 years. It locates these camps and their daily management within Wacquant’s analytic cartography of the production of spatialized marginality, the racialization of poverty and the means through which the bodies and economies of dishonoured groups are governed in the neoliberal era. It argues that these camps produce a neo-ghetto system in which residents are managed through diffuse policing and merging of assistential and disciplinary technologies in ways that extend their control across urban space. A core feature of this management involves constant tension between increasingly expansive regulations and their frequent inapplicability or selective enforcement, forcing Roma to reconcile shifting and unpredictable expressions of power. Multidimensional spaces of informality have thus emerged, not as a condition “outside the state”, but as a terrain within which inequalities are negotiated among actors in ways that do not, however, promote internal solidarity. It is within these contexts that much of the care, control and punishment of Roma occur. The neo-ghetto concept thus allows us to integrate “the informal” within a Wacquantian analysis of the relegation and neoliberal management of dispossessed and stigmatized groups.
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Notes
- 1.
The term Roma is shorthand for a very diverse population who self-define as rom, romá and other related names. It has rightly been criticized for flattening a complex panorama of groups with distinct identities that instead should be understood as ‘super-diverse’ (Tremlett 2014). Nevertheless, the homogenization of these identities by Rome’s institutions has very real effects, as this chapter demonstrates.
- 2.
The camps system is made up of precarious, unauthorized encampments, some more stable settlements temporarily “tolerated” by the authorities and publicly built camps formally termed “villages”. Since these share none of the organic development of real villages, the label is used in inverted commas. When referring to the different forms together, I use the generic term “camps”; otherwise I refer to their specific level of authorization.
- 3.
See for example the “Security Pact for Rome” signed by Mayor Veltroni in 2007 (Comune di Roma 2007).
- 4.
- 5.
See Durst and Wegmann (2017) for similar dynamics in the US.
- 6.
For example, in 2016 a call for tender for NGOs to manage camps required them to create projects “to promote direct interactions between the ‘village’ community and neighbourhood community” (Roma Capitale 2016b: 7).
- 7.
An important exception, which examines Romani economies in Europe, is Brazzabeni et al. (2016).
- 8.
For example, in the gentrifying neighbourhood of Testaccio (Bermann and Clough Marinaro 2014), near Roma Tre University’s expanding campus (Clough Marinaro and Daniele 2014), and in the demolition of illegal housing near Ponte Mammolo to free up coach parking spaces before tourist arrivals for the 2015 Catholic Giubilee (La Repubblica 2015).
- 9.
- 10.
Licenses to work on legal markets are difficult to obtain and costly, requiring a continuity of income that is incompatible with the income precariousness described above.
- 11.
Roma are over-represented in the Italian prison system (Miscioscia 2014), however, lack of ethnic data makes the extent of incarceration impossible to quantify.
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Clough Marinaro, I. (2019). Informality and the Neo-Ghetto: Modulating Power Through Roma Camps. In: Flint, J., Powell, R. (eds) Class, Ethnicity and State in the Polarized Metropolis. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-16222-1_7
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