Abstract
Hannah Arendt’s critical acceptance of the Jewish national liberation movement and her support for the formation of a Jewish Army during the Second World War stand in contrast to her later critique of armed anticolonial struggles. I address this tension in three steps. First, I explain the role of violence in her theory of liberation. Next, I address the problem with liberation in terms of a sovereign nation-state and the alternative of federation. Finally, I return to the case of Jewish liberation to show that the apparent tension can be resolved if it is understood within the framework of federalism. Instead of understanding national liberation as self-determination, federalism allows for a non-sovereign freedom that supports the plurality of nations within a shared political community.
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Notes
- 1.
Hannah Arendt, “For the Honor and the Glory of the Jewish People,” in her The Jewish Writings, ed. Jerome Kohn and Ron H. Feldman (New York: Schocken Books, 2007), 199.
- 2.
Ibid., 201.
- 3.
Arendt, “A Way Toward the Reconciliation of Peoples,” The Jewish Writings, 261–62.
- 4.
Arendt, “Days of Change,” The Jewish Writings, 217.
- 5.
Hannah Arendt, Crises of the Republic (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1972), 114, 121–22.
- 6.
Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, trans. Constance Farrington (New York: Grove Press, 1968), 36–37.
- 7.
Ibid., 94.
- 8.
Ibid., 93.
- 9.
Hannah Arendt, On Violence (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1970), 65.
- 10.
Ibid., 70.
- 11.
Arendt, Crises, 123.
- 12.
Ned Curthoys, “The Refractory Legacy of Algerian Decolonization: Revisiting Arendt on Violence,” in Hannah Arendt and the Uses of History:Imperialism, Nation, Race, and Genocide, ed. Richard H. King and Dan Stone (New York: Berghahn Books, 2007), 111, 126. Patricia Owens mentions a similar critique by Tsenay Serequeberhan who claims that what Arendt recognizes “in the European she fails to see in the non-European.” See Patricia Owens, “Racism in the Theory Canon: Hannah Arendt and ‘the One Great Crime in Which America Was Never Involved’,” Millennium: Journal of International Studies 45, no. 3 (2017): 415.
- 13.
Kathryn T. Gines, Hannah Arendt and the Negro Question (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2014), 93.
- 14.
Ibid., 93–94, 101.
- 15.
Ibid., 111.
- 16.
Owens, “Racism in the Theory Canon,” 414–15.
- 17.
Ibid., See also Patricia Owens, Between War and Politics: International Relations and the Thought of Hannah Arendt (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 4–5, 16–18, 20–22.
- 18.
Arendt, “Can the Jewish Arab Question Be Solved?” The Jewish Writings, 195, 198; “A Way Toward Reconciliation of the Nations,” The Jewish Writings, 261; and Essays in Understanding, ed. Jerome Kohn (New York: Schocken Books, 1994), 98–103, 112–17.
- 19.
Hannah Arendt, “Nation-State and Democracy,” in her Thinking Without a Banister: Essays in Understanding 1953–1975, ed. Jerome Kohn (Schocken Book: New York, 2018), 260; The Originsof Totalitarianism, 3rd ed. (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1973), 272; Crises, 107; and On Violence, 84–85.
- 20.
Arendt, “Who Is the ‘Committee for a Jewish Army’?” The Jewish Writings, 147–48. See also Arendt, “To Save the Jewish Homeland,” ibid., 390–91, 397–98.
- 21.
See Curthoys, “The Refractory Legacy of Algerian Decolonization,” 126.
- 22.
Notably, Hannah Arendt, “Reflections on Little Rock,” in her Responsibility and Judgment, ed. Jerome Kohn (New York: Schocken Books, 2003), 193–213.
- 23.
Hannah Arendt, On Revolution (London: Penguin Classics, 2006), 22–23. The distinction between negative liberation and positive freedom has some similarities with Isaiah Berlin’s distinction of negative and positive liberties. See Isaiah Berlin, “Two Concepts of Liberty,” in Four Essays onLiberty (London: Oxford University Press, 1969), 118–72. But the parallel is limited, as Margaret Canovan correctly notes, as positive liberty is identified with self-determination and Rousseauian ideas of freedom that Arendt’s criticizes. See Canovan, Hannah Arendt: A Reinterpretation of Her Political Thought (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 212. See also Kei Hiruta, “The Meaning and Value of Freedom: Berlin contra Arendt,” The European Legacy 19, no. 7 (2014): 854–68.
- 24.
Arendt, On Revolution, 210.
- 25.
Hannah Arendt, TheHuman Condition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), 234.
- 26.
Hannah Arendt, Between Past and Future: Eight Exercises in Political Thought (London: Penguin Classics, 2006), 164.
- 27.
Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, 93, 200. Fanon also distinguishes between “the period of decolonization” and “the period of liberation” to distinguish peaceful negotiations and the armed struggle (44). Decolonization has an equivocal meaning as it refers at times to formal independence as the result of the withdrawal of the colonial rule and the active fight for liberation at other times.
- 28.
Arendt, On Revolution, 19.
- 29.
Ibid., 133.
- 30.
Frantz Fanon, Toward the African Revolution: Political Essays, trans. Haakon Chevalier (New York: Grove Press, 1988), 103.
- 31.
Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, 133–36. See also Richard Bernstein, Violence: Thinking without Banisters (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2013), 123–25; and Elizabeth Frazer and Kimberly Hutchings, “On Politics and Violence: Arendt Contra Fanon,” Contemporary Political Theory 7, no. 1 (2008): 97–98, 106.
- 32.
Arendt, On Violence, 74. Owens, as mentioned above, claims that Arendt takes issue with the justification of Fanon and not with anticolonial violence. See Owens, “Racism in the Theory Canon,” 415; and Owens, Between War and Politics, 20–22. See also Frazer and Hutchings who refer to Arendt’s critique of this justification of violence as “justification from naturalness” in their “On Politics and Violence,” 102–3.
- 33.
Bernstein, Violence, 8. Owens, similarly, brings the case of the Jewish army as an example of self-defense that is consistent with Arendt’s argument in Between War and Politics, 23.
- 34.
Arendt, On Violence, 79.
- 35.
Ibid., 75.
- 36.
Ibid., 80.
- 37.
Ibid., 68–69.
- 38.
Ibid., 74–74. She writes, “When Fanon speaks of the ‘creative madness’ present in violent action, he is still thinking in this tradition.” See also Owens, Between War and Politics, 21; and Owens, “Racism in the Theory Canon,” 414–15.
- 39.
Arendt, On Violence, 67.
- 40.
Ibid., 65.
- 41.
Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, 64.
- 42.
Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, trans. Charles Lamm Markman (New York: Grove Press, 1967), 11.
- 43.
This is not to underestimate the significance of the embodied aspects of violence in Fanon’s analysis. Joan Cocks correctly challenges Arendt’s criticism and argues that “Fanon highlights the bodily aspects of violence not because he sees violence as belonging to a biological rather than socio-political zone, but because he does not ever divide off the body from socio-political life, and also because he believes the bodily aspects of violence loom large in the colonial setting.” Joan Cocks, “On Commonality, Nationalism, and Violence: Hannah Arendt, Rosa Luxemburg, and Frantz Fanon,” Women in German Yearbook 12 (1996): 43–44.
- 44.
Fanon, Toward the African Revolution, 105; The Wretched of the Earth, 310; and A Dying Colonialism, 179.
- 45.
Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, 310.
- 46.
Frazer and Hutchings similarly argue that Fanon better acknowledges the embodiment and embeddedness of violence. See their “On Politics and Violence,” 105–6.
- 47.
Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, 37.
- 48.
Arendt, “Nation-State and Democracy,” 260.
- 49.
Arendt, “To Save the Jewish Homeland,” 396.
- 50.
Hannah Arendt, “Confusion,” The Jewish Writings, 169.
- 51.
See Frantz Fanon, “The Pitfalls of National Consciousness,” in The Wretched of the Earth, 148–205.
- 52.
Arendt, On Violence, 5.
- 53.
William Selinger, “The Politics of Arendtian Historiography: European Federation and The Origins of Totalitarianism,” Modern Intellectual History 13, no. 2 (2016): 430.
- 54.
Arendt,Origins, 230–31, 272. On the tension between human rights and national sovereignty, see Seyla Benhabib, The Rights of Others: Aliens, Residents, and Citizens (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 61–65; and Christian Volk, “The Decline of Order: Hannah Arendt and the Paradoxes of the Nation-State,” in Politics in Dark Times: Encounters with Hannah Arendt, ed. Seyla Benhabib (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 192–97.
- 55.
See Arendt, “The Minority Question,” in The Jewish Writings, 126–29; Arendt,Origins, 271–73; and Benhabib, The Rights of Others, 53–55.
- 56.
Arendt,Origins, 272.
- 57.
See Volk, “The Decline of Order,” 176–77; Joan Cocks, “On Nationalism: Frantz Fanon, 1925–1961; Rosa Luxemburg, 1871–1919; and Hannah Arendt, 1906–1975,” in Feminist Interpretations of Hannah Arendt, ed. Bonnie Honig (University Park, PA: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1995), 238–39.
- 58.
Volk, “The Decline of Order,” 188–89.
- 59.
Ibid.,
- 60.
Arendt,Origins, 296–97.
- 61.
Judith Butler raises a similar question in her review of Arendt’s The Jewish Writings, see her “I Merely Belong to Them,” London Review of Books 29, no. 9 (10 May 2007): 26.
- 62.
Arendt’s defense of federalism as a solution to the problems of the nation-state appears in The Jewish Writings, 129–30, 195, 335; Essays in Understanding, 98–103, 112–17; and Crises, 230, 233. See also Douglas Klusmeyer, “Hannah Arendt’s Case for Federalism,” Publius: The Journal of Federalism 40, no. 1 (2010): 31–58; Selinger, “The Politics of Arendtian Historiography,” 417–46; and Gil Rubin, “From Federalism to Binationalism: Hannah Arendt’s Shifting Zionism,” Contemporary European History 24, no. 3 (August 2015): 393–414.
- 63.
Arendt, “Can the Jewish Arab Question Be Solved?” 195.
- 64.
Selinger, “The Politics of Arendtian Historiography,” 423.
- 65.
Ibid., 425.
- 66.
Ibid., 423.
- 67.
Ibid., 424.
- 68.
Arendt, “Nation-State and Democracy,” 261.
- 69.
Ibid., 257. See also Arendt, “Can the Jewish Arab Question Be Solved?” 196; and “The Minority Question,” 130.
- 70.
Arendt, “The Minority Question,” 126. Selinger makes this motivation explicit in his “The Politics of Arendtian Historiography,” 422.
- 71.
See, for example, Arendt, “Approaches to the ‘German Problem’,” in Essays in Understanding, 106–20; and Selinger, “The Politics of Arendtian Historiography,” 427–29, 443.
- 72.
Arendt, “Zionism Reconsidered,” 382, 367. See also Benhabib, The Rights of Others, 62.
- 73.
Arendt,Origins, 290.
- 74.
Arendt, “Zionism Reconsidered,” 343.
- 75.
Arendt, “To Save the Jewish Homeland,” 396–97.
- 76.
Arendt, “Peace or Armistice in the Near East?” The Jewish Writings, 450.
- 77.
Arendt, “The Jewish Army—The Beginning of Jewish Politics?” The Jewish Writings, 137. Amnon Raz-Krakotzkin writes about the significance of the recognition of the Jews as a nation for their liberation: “Arendt’s own critique did not come out of an anti-national or anti-Zionist position but rather from a deep belief that the Jews could be emancipated only as a people. She did not write from a universalist point of view, in other words, but from a Jewish point of view—one can even say, from a national Jewish point of view.” Raz-Krakotzkin, “Jewish Peoplehood, ‘Jewish Politics,’ and Political Responsibility: Arendt on Zionism and Partitions,” College Literature 38, no. 1 (2011): 66.
- 78.
Arendt, “A Way Toward Reconciliation of the Nations,” 261.
- 79.
Arendt, “The Jewish Army,” 137.
- 80.
Arendt, “The Return of Russian Jewry,” The Jewish Writings, 173–74. See also Rubin, “From Federalism to Binationalism,” 402.
- 81.
Arendt, “To Save the Jewish Homeland,” The Jewish Writings, 399–400.
- 82.
See Richard J. Bernstein, Hannah Arendt and the Jewish Question (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 1996), 109–10; and Rubin, “From Federalism to Binationalism,” 394, 403, 406.
- 83.
Arendt, “Can the Jewish Arab Question Be Solved?” 193; see Judah Leon Magnes, “Toward Peace in Palestine,” Foreign Affairs 21 (1943): 239–49.
- 84.
Arendt, “Can the Jewish Arab Question be Solved?” 193.
- 85.
Ibid., 196.
- 86.
Ibid., 196–97.
- 87.
Ibid., 198.
- 88.
Arendt, “Peace or Armistice in the Near East?” 442.
- 89.
Ibid., 441–43.
- 90.
Arendt, “To Save the Jewish Homeland,” 397, 401.
- 91.
Rubin, “From Federalism to Binationalism,” 412; and Arendt, “Peace or Armistice in the Near East?” 446–47.
- 92.
Ronald Beiner, “Arendt and Nationalism,” in The Cambridge Companion to Hannah Arendt, ed. Dana Villa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 48.
- 93.
Judah Leon Magnes, “For a Jewish-Arab Confederation,” letter to the editor, Commentary, October 1948. https://www.commentarymagazine.com/articles/for-a-jewish-arab-confederation. Ihud party, similarly to Arendt, opposed the unilateral declaration of the Jewish state as a declaration of war against the Arabs. See Eric Jacobson, “Why did Hannah Arendt Reject the Partition of Palestine?” Journal for Cultural Research 17, no. 4 (2013): 366.
- 94.
Arendt, “To Save the Jewish Homeland,” 400.
- 95.
Ibid.,
- 96.
Jerome Kohn, “Preface,” in The Jewish Writings, xxvi.
- 97.
Arendt, “To Save the Jewish Homeland,” 400–1.
- 98.
Ibid., 401.
- 99.
As Shmuel Lederman compellingly argues in “The Centrality of the Council System in Arendt’s Political Theory” in this volume. See also Andreas Kalyvas, Democracy and the Politics of the Extraordinary: Max Weber, Carl Schmitt, and Hannah Arendt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 254–91; John F. Sitton, “Hannah Arendt’s Argument for Council Democracy,” in Hannah Arendt: Critical Essays, ed. Lewis P. Hinchman and Sandra K. Hinchman (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1994), 307–29; and James Muldoon, “The Lost Treasure of Arendt’s Council System,” Critical Horizons 12, no. 3 (2011): 396–417.
- 100.
Arendt praises the various councils that spontaneously rose in the Hungarian Revolution in 1956, see Arendt, “Totalitarian Imperialism: Reflections on the Hungarian Revolution,” The Journal of Politics 20, no. 1 (1958): 5–43. She returns to discuss more fully the council system as an alternative to the party system in On Revolution (207–73). She discusses the council system also in “Thoughts on Politics and Revolution” (Arendt, Crises, 199–233) and mentions them briefly in TheHuman Condition, 216–17).
- 101.
Arendt, Crises, 231.
- 102.
Bernstein, Hannah Arendt, 118.
- 103.
Caroline Ashcroft similarly emphasizes the significance of Arendt’s early writings on Jewish politics for understanding her political theory in “Jewishness and the Problem of Nationalism: A Genealogy of Arendt’s Early Political Thought,” Modern Intellectual History 14, no. 2 (2017): 421–49.
- 104.
Thanks are due to Kei Hiruta, Joan Cocks, Yasemin Sari, Shmuel Lederman, Marielle Sundiang, and Leigh Werrell for their insightful comments and suggestions on earlier drafts, as well as to the participants of the twelfth Annual Meeting of the Hannah Arendt Circle at the University of California, Davis.
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Correm, T. (2019). Hannah Arendt on National Liberation, Violence, and Federalism. In: Hiruta, K. (eds) Arendt on Freedom, Liberation, and Revolution. Philosophers in Depth. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-11695-8_6
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