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An Apparently Noncanonical Pattern of Morphotactic Competition

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Competition in Inflection and Word-Formation

Part of the book series: Studies in Morphology ((SUMO,volume 5))

Abstract

In canonical typology, a phenomenon that involves several dimensions of potential variation is seen as subsuming a range of deviations from a canonical ideal based on the definitional extremes of those dimensions. The canonical case of morphotactic competition is one in which (i) two rules of affixation are both eligible to apply in the realization of some word form w; (ii) the set of morphosyntactic properties realized by one rule is a subset of that realized by the other rule; (iii) the two rules compete for the same position in the sequence of rule applications defining w’s morphology—that is, they belong to the same block of disjunctive rules; and (iv) the competition is resolved in favor of the rule with the narrower domain of application. One apparent deviation from this canonical pattern is the competition of a single rule application with that of a sequence of rules. In some such cases, the single rule application overrides that of the sequence of rules; in others, the sequence of rule applications overrides that of the single rule. Instances of both kinds are widely observable; Swahili verb inflection exemplifies both patterns. Various approaches to this sort of deviation can be shown to be stipulative or simply unworkable. By contrast, the independently motivated notion of rule conflation makes it possible to assimilate the apparently deviant patterns of morphotactic competition exemplified by Swahili to the canonical pattern.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The focus here is on rules of inflectional affixation. Nevertheless, I assume that nonconcatenative rules of inflection may compete with rules of inflectional affixation or with one another, and that rules of inflectional stem selection likewise enter into competition. These kinds of competition involving nonaffixational rules of inflection should not necessarily be seen as noncanonical; that is, the properties listed in (1) should be viewed as a particular subset of the canonical patterns of competition into which the full range of inflectional rules may enter.

  2. 2.

    Throughout, I regard competition as a relation among rules, where a rule that prevails in a given instance is said to override its competitors. But competition is sometimes alternatively seen as a relation among expressions (whole words or parts of words), where an expression that prevails in a given instance is said to “block” its competitors; see e.g. the chapters by Aronoff, Masini, and Varvara & Zamparelli. However one conceives of it, competition isn’t invariably resolved canonically, by a prevailing competitor. In the case of dreamed/dreamt, neither competitor prevails, so that competition is resolved not by override/blocking but by overabundance (see Thornton 2012 as well as her chapter “Overabundance: A Canonical Typology”, in this volume); according to (1), overabundance is a noncanonical resolution of competition among rules of inflectional affixation.

  3. 3.

    There is a Block A whose application precedes that of Block B. Block A houses rules of object concord, which are irrelevant to the forms in (2) and (3); these will nevertheless become relevant below, at which point Block A will be introduced.

  4. 4.

    The assumed definition of extension is as in (i); cf. Gazdar etal. (1985: 27), Stump (2001: 41).

    (i)

    Given two sets σ, τ: σ is an extension of τ [notationally, τ  σ] if and only if for each property P τ,

     

    either

    (i)

    P σ

     

    or

    (ii)

    P is a set such that for some set Q σ, Q is an extension of P.

     

    Examples:

    {pl}  {1, pl}

    {prs, {obj, 1}}  {prs, {obj, 1, pl}}

  5. 5.

    In this respect, Swahili relative concord present a problem that is in some ways reminiscent of that posed by Wackernagel affixes (Nevis and Joseph 1992).

  6. 6.

    The assumed definition of unification is as in (i); cf. Gazdar etal. (1985: 27), Stump (2001: 41). This definition depends on the assumed definition of extension noted above.

    (i)

    The unification of ρ and σ [i.e. ρ ⊔ σ] is the smallest well-formed extension of both ρ and σ.

      

    Example:

    {{sbj, 3, sg}, {obj, pl}} ⊔ {prs, {obj, 1}}

       

    = {{sbj, 3, sg}, prs, {obj, 1, pl}}

  7. 7.

    Here I ignore the additional block that determines a verb stem’s final vowel, which varies with the morphosyntactic property set being realized.

  8. 8.

    According to the Identity Function Default (IFD), the value of [Block n: 〈Z, σ〉] is 〈Z, σ〉 if Block n lacks any rule realizing σ (Stump 2016: 51).

  9. 9.

    One might question this principle of pre-emption on the grounds that it systematically excludes the possibility of extended exponence. This, however, is not the case. Note first that when the si- rule C.c pre-empts the conflation of the ha- rule C.b with the ni- rule (20), it does not thereby block an instance of extended exponence; forms like *ha-ni-ta-taka, if they occurred, simply wouldn’t involve any extended exponence. In addition, genuine instances of extended exponence are not necessarily pre-empted. In Hungarian, for instance, first- and second-person singular personal pronouns exhibit overabundance, since their accusative forms engem ‘me’ and téged ‘you (acc)’ may both optionally take the regular accusative suffix -et: engemet, tégedet. Although the forms with -et exhibit extended exponence of accusative case, they do not involve competition of a conflated rule with a simple rule belonging to the same block, hence the pre-emption principle can have no effect on them.

Abbreviations

fg :

Final glottalization (in Fula)

fut:

Future tense

ind:

Indicative mood

neg:

Negative polarity

obj:

Object

pl:

Plural

pnc :

Category of person-number concord

pol :

Polarity category

pos:

Positive polarity

prs:

Present tense

pst:

Past tense

rel:

Relativized argument

rlt:

Relative mood

sbj:

Subject

sg:

Singular

tns :

Tense category

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Acknowledgments

I wish to thank Francesco Gardani and Anna Thornton for helpful comments and suggestions.

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Stump, G. (2019). An Apparently Noncanonical Pattern of Morphotactic Competition. In: Rainer, F., Gardani, F., Dressler, W., Luschützky, H. (eds) Competition in Inflection and Word-Formation . Studies in Morphology, vol 5. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-02550-2_10

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