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New Worlds: Ethics in Contemporary North American Archaeological Practice

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Ethics and Archaeological Praxis

Part of the book series: Ethical Archaeologies: The Politics of Social Justice ((ETHARCHAEOL,volume 1))

Abstract

Any overview of archaeological ethics in North America and how responsive or not it is to broader, global multicultural ethical discourses in large part must acknowledge that archaeology today is a practice that massively occurs beyond academic settings. While there still is a strong intellectual commerce in scholarly pursuits of knowing the past, far exceeding that form of archaeology are the various iterations of commercial management arising from the conservation of archaeology within development lands. This practice, which commodifies both material remains and intellectual valuation of social worth, along with the gross accumulated output of this consumptive paradigm, has radically transformed and made much more multi-sided the question of ethics in archaeology. This chapter considers how archaeological ethics have become transformed as a result of this very dominant form of archaeological practice in North America, and how it has made those ethical questions of much greater social import that in turn is transforming the very notion of what archaeology is and can be in North American society.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    It is also worth pointing out that Bruce Trigger (e.g., 1980, 1984, 2006) pioneered the adoption of a global perspective on archaeological practice, and many others (e.g., Atalay 2012; McGuire 2008; Nicholas and Wylie 2009) regularly frame praxis within global contexts.

  2. 2.

    This is reflected in the development of ethical principles developed by the Society for American Archaeology in the 1990s (Lynott 1997; Lynott and Wylie 1995a) that embraced stewardship as a central, abiding principle of ethical conduct (Lynott and Wylie 1995b). This was challenged subsequently as simply reaffirming the archaeologist as authority and gate-keeper to the archaeological heritage (e.g., Groarke and Warrick 2006; Hamilakis 2007; Wylie 2005).

  3. 3.

    This is also visible in various large scale research projects that have been funded over the last decade in Canada in particular, including the Intellectual Property in Cultural Heritage (IPinCH) project, which is exploring practices and prospects for the protection and culturally appropriate use of traditional knowledge and other IP issues embedded in the archaeological record and other sources of heritage (www.sfu.ca/ipinch/). Also, projects like the Reciprocal Research Network (www.rrnpilot.org/), Plateau Peoples’ Web Portal (www.plateauportal.wsulibs.wsu.edu/), The Great Lakes Research Alliance (https://grasac.org/gks/gks_about.php) and Sustainable Archaeology, where the amassing and digitization of a region’s archaeological collections provides the means of facilitating a change in practice and engagement in commercial and academic archaeology (sustainablearchaeology.org/).

  4. 4.

    ROPA’s standards can be accessed through their application form, accessible at: www.rpanet.org/displaycommon.cfm?an=4

  5. 5.

    Ontario licensing qualifications: http://www.mtc.gov.on.ca/en/archaeology/archaeology_licensing.shtml;

    U.S. Federal standards: http://www.cr.nps.gov/local-law/Prof_Qual_83.htm

  6. 6.

    The denial of this self-evident truth regarding the primary role of capitalism in applied practice, and the implications that has for archaeological conservation ethics and the rhetoric of preserving the past, can be profound. Orthodox and heterodox reactions, for example, of a World Archaeological Congress sponsored Inter-Congress on Contract Archaeology in 2013 took as its critical focus the consequences arising from contract archaeology engaging in capitalism. Reaction to the critical tone of the announcement led to a heated exchange on the WAC online forum, with some decrying the critique as “casting aspersions” on applied practitioners and “demagoguery,” while others applauded the call to explore this critical dimension of practice, and offered up examples of various unethical practices in North American commercial archaeology – a perfect illustration of the angst that constantly runs through self-reflexive considerations of applied practice.

  7. 7.

    Though personal financial benefits are clearly linked to performance in academics, and breed the same levels of differential entitlement between tenured faculty, sessional instructors, post-docs and grad students. But these similarities are regularly unexplored in the critique of applied practitioners.

  8. 8.

    This need has emerged from the initial engagement of NAGPRA and emergence of State equivalents, as well as from Tribal directed management programs in the USA (e.g., Anyon et al 2000; Kerber 2006; Stapp and Burney 2002), and from defined and asserted rights affirmed through a raft of upper court decisions, especially coming out of Canada (e.g., Bell 2000; Bell and Napoleon 2008; Ferris 2003). This has led to a number of federal and Provincial/State jurisdictions requiring differing formal or informal levels of consultation or engagement with First Nations in the planning and outcome of applied archaeological work on Indigenous archaeological heritage in those jurisdictions. This has also included First Nation community members serving as monitors on ARM crews, has led to collaborative training undertaken by communities/applied archaeologists, teaching each other development, research, and community values, preferences, and processes (e.g., Hunter 2008; Kapyrka 2010), and has also given rise to Indigenous CRM firms that specialize in bridging community representation with archaeological management (e.g., Nicholas 2010b).

  9. 9.

    For example: www.mtc.gov.on.ca/en/publications/AbEngageBulletin.pdf.

  10. 10.

    Indeed, given the massive accumulation of the archaeological record as a result of ARM harvesting tens of thousands of sites across North America over the last 50 years and available for value added academic research endeavours, and the fact that students now gain most of their field experiences working for consultant firms seasonally, it seems ethically dubious for academic archaeologists to insist on excavating archaeological sites that are not otherwise threatened with alteration and destruction by non-archaeological means and not otherwise community-consented beforehand.

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Acknowledgements

We’d like to thank our many colleagues who have offered us the chance over the last many years, separately or together, to reflect on the contemporary practice of North American archaeology, especially our compatriots participating in and thinking about an activist archaeology, and colleagues helping to work towards a sustainable archaeology. As well, opportunities to frame and explore the concept of a sustainable archaeology, separately or together, have been supported through funding by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council, Canada Foundation for Innovation, Ontario Research Fund and our respective institutions.

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Ferris, N., Welch, J.R. (2015). New Worlds: Ethics in Contemporary North American Archaeological Practice. In: Gnecco, C., Lippert, D. (eds) Ethics and Archaeological Praxis. Ethical Archaeologies: The Politics of Social Justice, vol 1. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4939-1646-7_7

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