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Methodological Basis of a Culture-Specific Coping Approach

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Cultural Psychology of Coping with Disasters

Abstract

In mainstream psychology, rather specific (and therefore restrictive) research perspectives on coping with disaster dominate. Research uses quantitative methods to build knowledge about the mechanisms and conditions by which disasters affect mental health. The focus of analysis is on measures of individual differences with regard to experiences, coping strategies, and mental health outcomes. Developing generalizable and, potentially, universally applicable models is a major research interest. We argue that methodologies used in mainstream psychologies are not compatible with the purposes of our approach—that is, to describe sociocultural-specific personal and communal long-term coping dynamics after a disaster. We argue that a cultural-psychological approach implies specific propositions about human subjectivity, human agency, and research methods. Previously prominent, restrictive epistemological approaches to coping with disasters need to be broadened by rethinking research units, allowing for complex interrelations instead of assuming a linear causal process, being process-oriented, and including power-critical investigations. This chapter ends with a presentation of the methodological approach used in our case study, which we believe exemplifies alternatives to mainstream psychological research in disaster contexts.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Indigenous knowledge is often referred to in different ways, including local knowledge, traditional knowledge, indigenous technical knowledge, peasants’ knowledge, traditional environmental knowledge, and folk knowledge (Sillitoe 2010).

  2. 2.

    Chapters 68 aim to fill this common gap in the research accounts of mainstream psychological approaches in this area. In these chapters, we address the issue of researchers’ critical self-reflection about their own context.

  3. 3.

    In Chap. 2, we have shown possible ethnocentric and androcentric fallacies that accompany such universalistic presumptions.

  4. 4.

    All names of research participants and research sites used in this book have been changed to ensure anonymity.

  5. 5.

    The data analyzed in Chap. 16 were collected by Silke Schwarz over the course of her dissertation research, for which she also conducted field stays.

  6. 6.

    International examples were: 19th International Congress of the International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology (IACCP), Bremen, Germany; 20th International Congress of the International Association for Cross-Cultural Psychology (IACCP), Melbourne, Australia; 1st International Conference of Indigenous and Cultural Psychology, Yogyakarta, Indonesia; 2nd International Conference of Indigenous and Cultural Psychology, Denpasar, Indonesia. Local forums included village celebrations or workshops and presentations at the Universitas Gadjah Mada, Yogyakarta.

  7. 7.

    Data were mainly collected by Lucia P. Novianti, Nindyah Rengganis, Tiara R. Widiastuti, Yohanes K. Herdiyanto, and Silke Schwarz, with support from Ratri Atmoko Benedictus, Budi Rahmat Riadi, David Hizkia Tobing, Christoph Uhle, Jeane A. Indradjaja and Mechthild von Vacano.

  8. 8.

    PKK stands for Program Kesejahteraan Keluarga, the Program for Family Welfare that is a government program to improve family welfare within hamlets. PKK groups are governed by the wife of the hamlet head, an arrangement that represents hierarchical structures in village life and reinforces a gender-separated distribution of tasks. All PKK participants are married women and their activities relate to increasing family income and improving health.

  9. 9.

    In the context of another investigation on Java, Zaumseil (2006a) reported that it was useful to have eight narrating informants including the individual who was personally affected.

  10. 10.

    For the implementation of practical research, Clarke (2005) developed a fruitful approach to the social scientific analysis of complex situations. Based on grounded theory and exceeding the boundaries of that framework, Clarke’s approach creates links among disciplines and various scientific viewpoints.

  11. 11.

    The impersonal “we” used hereinafter mainly refers to the German research team as analysts, while the Indonesian researchers’ perspectives were included through discussion and feedback rounds.

  12. 12.

    More detailed research questions can be found in the relevant empirical chapters.

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Acknowledgment

The editors would like to thank Sophie Perl for her assistance in editing this chapter.

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Schwarz, S., Tyas, T., Prawitasari-Hadiyono, J. (2014). Methodological Basis of a Culture-Specific Coping Approach. In: Zaumseil, M., Schwarz, S., von Vacano, M., Sullivan, G., Prawitasari-Hadiyono, J. (eds) Cultural Psychology of Coping with Disasters. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-9354-9_5

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