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Feature Resolution by Lists: The Case of French Coordination

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Formal Grammar 2018 (FG 2018)

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Abstract

In this paper, we shall address resolution of gender and person in French coordination and suggest that a list-based encoding of feature values provides for a very simple and intuitive resolution mechanism in coordinate structures by means of simple list concatenation, while it leaves the treatment of agreement in head-compositional structures entirely unaffected. We shall discuss the implementation of this approach in the context of an emerging computational HPSG of French based on the LinGO Grammar Matrix (Bender et al. 2002), and argue that the problem at hand calls for concatenation by recursive copying (Emerson 2017), as opposed to difference lists (Clocksin and Mellish 1981). Finally, we conclude that the list-based encoding of person and gender values can act as a drop-in replacement for the standard sort-based encoding, since it is not only more flexible in the treatment of feature resolution, but also bears the further potential of representing more elaborate person systems, like the inclusive/exclusive distinction.

The research reported on this paper has been partially carried out within the excellency cluster (LabEx) “Empirical Foundations in Linguistics”, supported by a public grant overseen by the French National Research Agency (ANR) as part of the “Investissements d’Avenir” program (reference: ANR-10-LABX-0083).

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Nevertheless, distribution of features in LFG will need to differentiate according to feature values, making the statement of resolution quite clumsy. E.g. feminine gender values will be distributive, whereas masculine values on the coordinate structure will only require membership on one of the f-structure sets contributed by the conjunct-daughters. One can imagine that such a regime will become even more unwieldy, once we move to a tri-fold resolution scheme, as observed with person.

  2. 2.

    This last restriction avoids spurious ambiguities with all masculine coordinations, using three rules for the four logical combinations.

  3. 3.

    These observations are only true, in a strict sense, for pure unification formalisms. In systems like Trale (Penn 2004) the disjunctions between rules could be relegated to attached relational constraints or even better, implicational constraints, as pointed out to us by an anonymous reviewer. However, once a general solution has been found for formalisms without these more elaborate constraints, it certainly helps towards closing the gap in expressiveness between the two competing approaches to HPSG implementation.

  4. 4.

    The LinGO Grammar Matrix (Bender et al. 2002) is a starter kit for the development of implemented HPSG-style grammars, which has been distilled, originally, from the implemented grammars of English (Copestake and Flickinger 2000) and Japanese (Siegel and Bender 2002). On the syntactic side, the Matrix provides type definitions for grammars developed in the spirit of Ginzburg and Sag (2000). With respect to semantics, the Matrix provides compositional principles for semantics construction in Minimal Recursion Semantics (Copestake et al. 2005), ensuring both reversibility and cross-linguistic interoperability.

  5. 5.

    The list type 0-1-list denotes a list with length of at most 1. It is straightforwardly defined in TDL as follows:

    figure m
  6. 6.

    The LKB, unlike Trale, does not allow inference from features to the types that introduce or constrain them.

  7. 7.

    TDL (=Type Description Language; Krieger 1996.) was the original description language of the PAGE system (Uszkoreit et al. 1994) and currently is the standard description language for typed feature structure grammar development and runtime platforms within the DELPH-IN collaboration, such as the LKB (Copestake 2002), Pet (Callmeier 2000), and Ace (Crysmann and Packard 2012). Grammars specified in TDL include the English Resource Grammar (Copestake and Flickinger 2000) among several others, as well as the LinGO Grammar Matrix (Bender et al. 2002).

  8. 8.

    Note that checking for cyclic feature structures – a check which the LKB indeed performs—will not provide a solution: once we need to underspecify the length of the list, reentrancy between the rest and last cannot be stated.

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Correspondence to Gabrielle Aguila-Multner .

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Aguila-Multner, G., Crysmann, B. (2018). Feature Resolution by Lists: The Case of French Coordination. In: Foret, A., Kobele, G., Pogodalla, S. (eds) Formal Grammar 2018. FG 2018. Lecture Notes in Computer Science(), vol 10950. Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-57784-4_1

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