Abstract
We have seen that the empirical astronomical objections and the scriptural theological objections were not the only arguments against the Copernican system. Equally important, strong, and consequential were the mechanical physical objections, involving such phenomena as falling bodies, the motion of projectiles, and the extruding power of whirling. They presupposed Aristotelian physics, based on the principles that rest is the natural state and motion requires a force; and their refutation required a new physics, based on the principles of inertia or conservation of motion and the composition of motion into independent components. Galileo took the physical objections as seriously as the astronomical ones, although he conceived the refutation of the former earlier than the refutation of the latter, since the answers to the physical difficulties were implied by his earlier research into a new physics, whereas the astronomical answers were the result of the telescope.
This chapter will examine how Galileo defended Copernicus from the extremely powerful objection based on the extruding power of whirling. We will see that Galileo criticized the extrusion objection in several distinct ways, but that his major criticism was that the objection was quantitatively invalid. Now, this quantitative invalidity turns out to be a flaw that is partly mathematical, partly physical, and essentially physical-mathematical. That is, the correct understanding of the phenomenon to which the objection appeals requires the proper combination of physical and mathematical principles, namely the skill of physical-mathematical reasoning. Thus, the structure of this chapter will be that of an inquiry into the nature of mathematical reasoning by means of a Galilean case study suggesting a definition of physical-mathematical reasoning.
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Notes
- 1.
- 2.
- 3.
- 4.
For other accounts, from which my own has benefited, see Boyer (1967, 245-247), Chalmers and Nicholas (1983), DiCanzio (1996, 144-145, 171-173, 353-354), Drake (1986a), Feldhay (1998), Gaukroger (1978, 189-195), Hill (1984), MacLachlan (1977), Pagnini (1964, 2: 383 n. 1, 387 n. 1, 415 n), Palmieri (2008a).
- 5.
- 6.
Cf. Aristotle, On Sophistical Refutations 167a21.
- 7.
- 8.
Favaro 7: 250, Galilei (1967, 223).
- 9.
See MacLachlan (1977, 176-178) for this account and other details.
- 10.
For a more modern argument along the same lines, see Chalmers and Nicholas (1983, 322).
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- 14.
This claim would need to be qualified if one wanted to take into account the effects of the irregularity of the earth’s surface; for then a body that had reached orbital velocity could be struck some time later by a mountain that was moving at a higher velocity due to the increased terrestrial rotation, and so the body would acquire additional velocity; eventually, such additions might increase the body’s velocity to the value required for escape extrusion. I thank Albert DiCanzio for this refinement.
- 15.
This proof is not given in Galileo’s text; he just makes the assertion (7.6).
- 16.
Once again, Galileo does not show these steps, though he gives explicit indication that 7.7 is based on 7.4, 7.5, and 7.6.
- 17.
This claim is, of course, the (correct) law of fall discovered by Galileo.
- 18.
- 19.
I have adapted this from MacLachlan (1977).
- 20.
This objection is due to Jean Dhombres, who raised it at the International Conference on Logic and Mathematical Reasoning, Mexico City, 6-8 October 1997, where an earlier version of this chapter was first presented.
- 21.
For some useful accounts along these lines, see Camerota (2004, 20-23, 386-387, 559-560), De Caro (1993), Galluzzi (1973), Koyré (1943; 1966; 1978), Shea (1972). These accounts are instructive not necessarily because they explicitly attribute to Galileo a conflation of mathematical and physical truth, but because they explicitly talk of his Platonism and mathematicism, and they implicitly suggest such a conflation; the most common instance of such implicit conflation is the interpretation that Galileo was certain about the truth of Copernicanism because of its mathematical simplicity. For a criticism of some aspects of such an interpretation and a clarification of such notions as Platonism, mathematicism, and realism, see Finocchiaro (1980; 1989, 7-8; 1997a, 335-356; 2005c, 554-555), as well as Chapters 3, 5, 9, 11 of this book.
- 22.
Galilei (2008, 183); cf. Favaro 6: 232.
- 23.
Here I am adopting Mario Biagioli’s interpretation that “Galileo’s audience for The Assayer was not twentieth-century historians and philosophers but early seventeenth-century courtiers. The image of the open book of nature appealed to them because of the sense of unmediated knowledge that it conveyed. True, one had to learn how to read those characters, but to learn a language was not like enslaving oneself to a philosophical system. Once that linguistic ability was acquired, the book was open and the interpretation free” (Biagioli 1993, 306-307).
- 24.
Favaro 8: 197-213, Galilei (2008, 335-351).
- 25.
Galilei (2008, 336); cf. Favaro 8: 198.
- 26.
Galilei (2008, 349); cf. Favaro 8: 212. It should be noted that the ninth word of Salviati’s speech (scientist) is a literal translation of the original Italian word (scienziato); this strengthens further the point made in Section 4.1 above that although one must be careful to avoid anachronism when using terms like science and scientist instead of natural philosophy and philosopher, one must also avoid linguistic chauvinism or provincialism.
- 27.
- 28.
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Finocchiaro, M.A. (2010). Galileo on the Mathematical Physics of Terrestrial Extrusion. In: Defending Copernicus and Galileo. Boston Studies in the Philosophy of Science, vol 280. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-3201-0_5
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