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What’s the Story? The Impact of Race/Ethnicity on Crime Story Tone for Female Offenders

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Abstract

We examined how a female offender’s race/ethnicity influenced the tone of a crime story. Our thematic content analysis of front-page articles from four nationally available U.S. newspapers suggested that stories about minority female offenders were more likely to have negative tones, overall, than were stories about white female offenders. This finding held even after we considered the type of offense committed and the degree of front-page news coverage. The more negative depictions of minority females may explain their harsher treatment by the criminal justice system.

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Notes

  1. 1.

     Due to the limited number of studies that focus solely on offenders, this citation includes studies that focused on broader issues with similar conclusions.

  2. 2.

     In contrast to “traditional” racism, in which individuals overtly express the belief that racial/­ethnic minorities are inferior and should be separated from the dominant social group, “modern racism” refers to the implicit ways in which minorities are discriminated against in society (for a further discussion, see Entman, 1990, 1992, 1994). Entman describes the three related, but distinct components of modern racism:

    First…is anti-[minority] affect—a general emotional hostility toward [members of racial/ethnic minority groups]. […] The second element … is resistance to the political demands of [minorities]. […] The third component … is a belief that racism is dead and that racial discrimination no longer inhibits [minority] achievement. (Entman, 1990, pp. 332–333; see also Chiricos & Eschholz, 2002; Davis, 1991; Kennedy, 1997).

    Entman (1990) posits that his findings may be a result of “the commercial pressures the [news] stations face and an unintentional class bias that appears to suffuse the manufacturing query of news” (p. 333).

  3. 3.

     Also noteworthy is the work conducted by Madriz (1997). She focused primarily on how race/ethnicity impacted perceptions of “ideal” (p. 343) offenders and victims. More specifically, she examined how women’s fear of crime was affected by the common perception of offenders as young, minority males and the common perception of victims as white, middle class females. She did not, however, examine depictions of female offenders. In another study, Chesney-Lind (1999) examined how female offenders, in general, were demonized by the media. But, she did not look at differential racial/ethnic portrayals.

  4. 4.

     Bond-Maupin (1998) only briefly discussed differences in the media’s portrayal of white versus minority women. Instead, her discussion was centered on the seemingly racially- and ethnically neutral themes of sexuality, conventional gender norms, and male control.

  5. 5.

     These four newspapers were selected because they provide a geographically representative sample of news reporting in the USA, and they were among the top 10 most circulated newspapers in 2006 (BurrellesLuce, 2006). In addition, these papers are based in cities that are racially and ethnically diverse. It was important to select papers from such cities to ensure that there was a sufficient number of stories about female offenders of varying races/ethnicities.

  6. 6.

     To be clear, we do not intend to test the perspective put forth by Sykes and Matza (1957). Rather, we have simply borrowed their terminology and concepts to examine potential ways journalists may create favorable or unfavorable impressions of female offenders.

  7. 7.

     Inter-rater reliability for the variable that measured overall story tone (OST) was approximately 94% among three coders. In cases of discrepancy, coders discussed their rationales until at least two coders were in agreement.

  8. 8.

     Because an assessment of an offender’s race/ethnicity is subjective when it is not explicitly stated, three individuals worked together to code this variable. We each read and scored all newspaper stories independently on two separate occasions. There was approximately 99% agreement for each rater across time, and an inter-rater reliability of 97% agreement across raters. In cases where at least two of the coders could not agree on the race/ethnicity of the female offender, race/ethnicity was coded as missing. In no case was an offender’s race/ethnicity coded solely on the basis of her surname.

  9. 9.

     Our relatively small sample size, along with the wide ranging nature of the offenses we encountered, precluded estimation of a model with more variables. Moreover, the purpose of this paper was to determine whether a female offender’s race/ethnicity mattered even after the type of offense committed and the prominence of a given story were considered. While these three variables have been discussed at some length in the extant literature, researchers have not yet examined whether the effect of race/ethnicity diminishes if these other potentially important variables are considered.

  10. 10.

     When an article contained multiple front-page images, the size of the largest photograph was coded.

  11. 11.

     Grabe et al. (2006) measured headline size in millimeters. Because we used microfilm to collect our data instead of physical newspapers, we were unable to measure actual headline size. We were, however, able to assess the relative sizes of headlines that appeared within each newspaper. For assessments of headline size, inter-rater reliability among three coders was approximately 92%. In cases of discrepancy, coders discussed their rationales until at least two were in agreement.

  12. 12.

     Longer stories received only one point because, while length is an important determinant of salience, we believed its importance was surpassed by other characteristics, such as article placement, headline size, and the presence of photographs. Thus, relative to our other indicators of story salience, a story’s length was not weighted as heavily.

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Acknowledgements

This research was supported in part by three grants provided by the University of Nebraska at Omaha—a grant from the University Committee for Research and Creative Activity and two summer research stipends from the University’s School of Criminology and Criminal Justice. Points of view or opinions stated in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official positions or policies of the University of Nebraska at Omaha. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 2010 Annual Meeting of the American Society of Criminology (San Francisco).

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Appendix A. Measurement of the Overall Story Salience Variable

Appendix A. Measurement of the Overall Story Salience Variable

Our measure of a story’s salience considered attributes related to a story’s physical placement on the front page as well as several other physical characteristics. It is important for one to consider a multitude of features that may work in tandem to enhance an article’s salience. In order for us to construct our overall measure of story salience, we borrowed some methodological insights from previous researchers (i.e., Buckler & Travis, 2005; Budd, 1964; Chermak, 1998; Grabe et al., 2006; Johnstone et al., 1994; Mawby & Brown, 1984) to create a 13-point scale that summarized the amount of visual attention given a particular front-page story. The more important indicators of story salience received more points (i.e., such indicators carried more weight).

Table 4.3 presents the distributions for the seven variables used to create our 13-point scale as well as the number of points assigned to each variable’s attributes.

Table 4.3 Measures of story salience and point values (N  =  159)

First, a story’s placement above the center fold on the front page is one of the most important measures of physical prominence (Budd, 1964; Chermak, 1998; Grabe et al., 2006). This is because the top portion of the newspaper is what is displayed in newsstands or is likely to be visible when a newspaper is merely lying around (e.g., on a coffee table, at a convenience store check-out, or under the door of a hotel room). A story positioned above the fold, therefore, gets the most attention from readers or from those who merely have an opportunity to glance at it. Because placement above the fold is the most important determinant of story salience in our study, stories received four points if they were located above the center fold (47.8% of stories) and zero points if they appeared below the center fold (52.2% of stories).

Stories with photographs also attract more attention than stories without photographs (Budd, 1964; Grabe et al., 2006; Mawby & Brown, 1984; Thorson, 1995), and readers are more likely to be drawn to stories that are accompanied by larger photographs than by smaller ones. Therefore, when a photograph was present, we coded its size; larger photographs received more points.Footnote 10 Specifically, Table 4.3 shows that stories with small photographs received one point (21.4%), stories with medium-sized photographs received two points (9.4%), and stories with large photographs received three points (13.8%). If a story did not have any photograph, it received zero points (55.3%).

The placement of a story on the front page was also taken into account. Stories that are aligned on either the left-hand side of the page or in the center are more likely to be the lead stories of the day (Budd, 1964; Mawby & Brown, 1984; Pollak & Kurbin, 2007). In addition, individuals in American society read from left to right, so these are the stories that readers are likely to notice more quickly. Therefore, two points were assigned if the article appeared on the left side of the paper or in the center of the page. A total of 109 stories (68.6%) received two points (40.3% originated on the left side of the page and 28.3% were located in the center of the page). The remaining 50 stories (31.4%) were aligned on the right side of the page and received no points.

We also considered the amount of space devoted to a story’s headline because others have noted that this relates to a story’s prominence (see, for example, Grabe et al., 2006). Therefore, we assessed and coded whether the headlines were small, medium, or large based on their size relative to other headlines that appeared in a given newspaper.Footnote 11 Small headlines accompanied 60 (37.7%) articles and medium headlines appeared with 71 (44.7%) stories. Points were not assigned to stories with small or medium headline sizes (82.4%) because they are not as prominent as stories with large headlines. The 28 stories with large headlines (17.6%), in contrast, received two points.

Table 4.3 further indicates that the second headline characteristic we considered was its width, defined as the number of columns it spanned. Because the majority of papers we reviewed had six columns on the front page, we considered stories to be prominent when their headlines spanned at least half of the front page (i.e., three or more columns). While headline width is an important factor to consider in the measurement of salience, it does not have as much influence as other features. This is partly because the font size of headlines may be relatively small even when the headline spans three or more columns. Therefore, consistent with other research, we assigned one point to stories with relatively wider headlines. Only one-third of headlines were three or more columns wide; these stories were assigned one point. Those with smaller headlines (66.7%) were assigned no points.

The final indicator of crime story salience reflected the number of paragraphs that appeared on the front page. In our study, the number of paragraphs on the front page ranged from one (21 stories, or 13.2%) to 24 (1 story, or 0.6%). The mean number of paragraphs was 5.51 per story, with a standard deviation value of 3.01. These statistics, along with the values reported for skewness (1.48) and kurtosis (7.97) indicated that this variable was not normally distributed. In order to address these issues, Table 4.3 indicates that we grouped stories with fewer than six paragraphs (48.4% of all stories) into one category and stories with more than six ­paragraphs (51.6%) into another. Because the longer stories were more noticeable, they received one point; shorter stories received no points.Footnote 12

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Vandenberg, A.L., Brennan, P.K., Chesney-Lind, M. (2013). What’s the Story? The Impact of Race/Ethnicity on Crime Story Tone for Female Offenders. In: Russell, B. (eds) Perceptions of Female Offenders. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-5871-5_4

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