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Skilled Immigration Policy in the United States: Does Policy Admit “Enough” Skilled Workers?

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Part of the book series: Immigrants and Minorities, Politics and Policy ((IMPP))

Abstract

Immigration to the United States has been and remains largely for the purpose of reuniting families, however, it is increasingly being thought of a means of meeting employment demand. Immigrants’ role in the U.S. labor force increased since the 1970s only to gain further momentum in the 1990s. Changes in the Immigration Act of 1990 increased both permanent numbers for foreign-born workers and diversified and eased admission for temporary skilled workers. Still, many observers argue that there is a need for more skilled foreign workers to meet perceived shortages of skilled labor.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The second largest category of immigrants in 2006 (20 %) included refugees, asylees and other humanitarian admissions.

  2. 2.

    For example, the immigration bill pending in the Senate at the time of this writing would eliminate more extended family categories after clearing the backlogs and shift all admissions into a point system favoring education and skills.

  3. 3.

    Family-based workers are not sponsored by an employer and are more likely to be new arrivals (e.g., without immediately prior U.S. residency). Many will find employment sometime after arrival, so the unemployment figures are in a sense artificially high. But it is also the case that the nearly one-third of family class job seekers are much more likely to be unskilled and/or under-employed workers.

  4. 4.

    Other categories include large numbers of persons adjusting status in the United States, including 55 % of immediate family of U.S. citizens.

  5. 5.

    Although much improved, processing delays still exist, particularly at the CIS Texas Processing Center, which announced in June 2007 that it was reviewing applications for I-140 immigrant petitions for skilled workers and professionals that were filed on August 01, 2003.

  6. 6.

    At the same time, enrollments in business and other disciplines declined (Institute of International Education 2006a. Cited here after as IIE).

  7. 7.

    Further, the U.S. is not equally in competition with other English or Western nations, the market is heavily segmented and our competition is not so much with “Europe” or transitional “Asia,” as it is with specific host/source nations. Second, during the recent attenuation of foreign enrollments, the percentage of the college-aged population enrolled in tertiary education throughout East Asia and the Pacific increased from 9 to 19 %; that of middle income countries from 16 to 27 % (World Bank 2006).

  8. 8.

    In terms of student retention policies, a number of countries have recently modified their laws to allow for an easier transition from student to worker, especially for science and engineering students. This is the case for France, Germany, Australia, and Canada. For instance, Australia recently amended its point system for admitting immigrants to allot extra points to students graduating from an Australian on-shore university. Canada awards points to students who stay to work in Provinces with skill shortages.

  9. 9.

    Changes in policies have been coupled with new and expanded marketing strategies. Although while not marketing per se, it should be pointed out that the U.S. provides extensive programs to attract potential students.

  10. 10.

    Then again, some observers will argue that shortages are ephemeral and that a growing supply of skilled immigrants will boost reserves of human capital boosting innovation, productivity, and economic growth for everyone.

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Correspondence to B. Lindsay Lowell .

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Lowell, B.L. (2013). Skilled Immigration Policy in the United States: Does Policy Admit “Enough” Skilled Workers?. In: Triadafilopoulos, T. (eds) Wanted and Welcome?. Immigrants and Minorities, Politics and Policy. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-0082-0_6

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