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Perspective: Health Care and the Politics of Race

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Abstract

Straw men are large players in the debate over racial disparity in American medicine. Most have been deployed by the disparities-denying right, but progressives intent on “outing” racism have sent forth their share. In this chapter, I devote some effort to flushing them out. But my larger aim is to understand the competing moral premises that drive the politics of healthcare disparity. At the end of the chapter, I contend that arguments about the scope of disparity and discrimination in medical care are disputes about the appropriate scope of personal responsibility for life circumstances. Further research into the factors that correlate with racial differences in health care can shed light on the circumstances that bring about these differences. But whether these circumstances, once understood, should be deemed acceptable is a moral and political matter. Sharp disagreements over the scope of personal and public responsibility for these circumstances are inevitable. These disagreements make it harder to pursue common ground solutions to racial and other inequities in health care. The Institute of Medicine’s (IOM) report on racial disparity in health care (IOM 2003) has become the subject of much sound and fury. Critics on the right have attacked the authors’ motives, condemned them for being too quick to diagnosis discrimination, and insisted that racial disparity in health care remains unproven. Prominent conservative scholar Richard Epstein has characterized the report as both a “genteel-guilt trip” and “a determined effort to make things appear worse than they really are”. Some on the left, meanwhile, have criticized the IOM for papering over pervasive racism in American medicine. Since the politics of race is hardly genteel (and since I was a coconspirator in the IOM report1), I shall take Epstein’s remark as a compliment. But rather than bemoaning the ideological fuss, I shall try in this chapter to glimpse what lies behind it, with an eye toward possibilities for common ground in the pursuit of healthcare equity. That the politics of healthcare disparities has at times been testy is clear. Allegations of racism attract attention, and the charge that America’s physicians are biased against blacks and Latinos has drawn considerable press coverage. Disparities-denying conservatives, on the other hand, have found welcoming audiences in high places. In 2003, top officials at the Department of Health and Human Services ordered HHS researchers to strike the term disparity from a congressionally mandated annual report on “healthcare disparities”. Officials told the researchers to delete their conclusion that racial disparities are “pervasive in our healthcare system” and to remove findings of disparity in care for cancer, cardiac disease, AIDS, asthma, and other ­illnesses. The researchers complied. Two days before Christmas of 2003, HHS secretary Tommy Thompson released a neutered rewrite, one that rejected the IOM’s findings of racial disparity and dismissed the “implication” that racial “differences” in care “result in adverse health outcomes” or “imply moral error … in any way.” Unhappy HHS officials then leaked earlier versions of the report. Irate House and Senate Democrats insisted that Thompson retract the rewrite and issue the researchers’ suppressed version in its stead. In February 2004, Thompson did so, telling a Congressional hearing that the rewrite had been a “mistake.” This, in turn, disappointed disparities-deniers, who chided Thompson for failing to maintain a stand against political correctness. All sides in this debate have deployed straw men, though the disparities-denying right has assembled them in greater numbers. I devote some effort in this chapter to flushing them out. But my larger aim is to understand the ire. To this end, I search for the competing moral premises that inspire conflict over whether racial disparities in health care are a problem and what the state should do about them. Further research into the factors that correlate with group differences in health care can shed light on the circumstances that bring about these differences. But whether these circumstances, once understood, should be treated as unjust or inevitable (or even as a matter of just dessert) is a moral and political matter. Those wedded to an ethic of individual responsibility and self-reliance, unleavened by sensitivity to unlucky life circumstances differ sharply from those more concerned with fair distribution of life’s possibilities and misfortunes.

M.G. Bloche

Professor of Law, Georgetown University, Senior Fellow, The Brookings Institution, Adjunct Professor, Bloomberg School of Public Health, Johns Hopkins University, Washington, DC, USA

I was a member of the IOM committee responsible for the report and was one of the principal drafters of the chapters that assessed the mechanisms by which racial disparities arise.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    One might argue that some sellers were not in fact sacrificing profits by discriminating, since failure to exclude victimized racial groups might have led to backlash and boycotts by white purchasers. This argument underscores the insufficiency of laissez faire as a remedy for discrimination based on racial animus.

  2. 2.

    There might, however, be disagreement over the proper scope and content of government intervention – for example, over whether government should pursue primarily punitive, educational, or other approaches.

  3. 3.

    It is frequently suggested that physicians are more reluctant to prescribe onerous courses of treatment for patients with weaker home and family support systems. In addition, the IOM report pointed to racial and ethnic differences in patient preferences (influenced in part by patient trust and manifested in part by patient compliance) as part of the explanation for racial and ethnic differences in care.

  4. 4.

    Epstein assumes that the measure of medical care’s value is its impact on health: the number of lives or life-years saved (perhaps adjusted for quality of life) per dollar spent or organ transplanted. But given the reality that medicine has relatively little effect on population-wide health in comparison with lifestyle, socioeconomic influences, and other environmental factors, it is implausible to understand social spending on medical care solely in terms of its impact on health. Medical care matters at least as much because people and societies ascribe independent value to attempted rescue. Rescue, daringly conceived and courageously executed, affirms the individual’s dignity and import for society, even when rescue fails [9].

  5. 5.

    More precisely, these costs are spread, but within separate groups, without cross-subsidies between groups.

  6. 6.

    A high-visibility example of this problem is the debate over profiling for airline security purposes. Rejection of profiling policies that are based on inaccurate thinking as to which nationalities are high-risk is easy; objections to the profiling of, say, young Saudi men, who are more likely than grandmothers from Iowa to be hijackers, are less compelling. Subjecting grandmothers from Iowa to the same security precautions as Saudi men will raise costs (with little security payoff  ), unless equity is achieved by reducing the precautions taken for Saudi men (which would reduce security).

  7. 7.

    In criticizing “political correctness” in medicine, Satel and Klick have made this point, albeit in more polarizing fashion than I think is helpful, given this topic’s sensitivity.

  8. 8.

    It is, of course, also important to pay attention to other patients’ support systems. But if this stereotype is accurate, there will be a higher “yield” from inquiring into African American patients’ support systems.

  9. 9.

    This is not to say that commentators and scholars who dispute claims of racial injustice are consciously pursuing a political strategy. It is doubted that most are. Conservative think tanks, media outlets, and other institutions with the power to influence public perceptions play the key strategic role, by bestowing opportunities on commentators and scholars who effectively articulate the preferred message.

  10. 10.

    Examples of other such initiatives include equalization of resources per pupil across rich and poor public school districts (current struggles between liberals and conservatives over such matters as vouchers and school choice obscure this larger inequality); universal, high-quality preschool; and intensive mentoring and tutoring programs for children from disadvantaged neighborhoods.

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Correspondence to M. Gregg Bloche .

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Bloche, M.G. (2011). Perspective: Health Care and the Politics of Race. In: Williams, R. (eds) Healthcare Disparities at the Crossroads with Healthcare Reform. Springer, Boston, MA. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-7136-4_5

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-7136-4_5

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