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The Functional Ambiguity of Censorship and the French Enlightenment

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The Invention of Free Press

Abstract

In 1769, the French translation of a major investigation of the Ottoman Empire was printed in Paris with the place of publication falsely given as London. The following year, Observations on the Religion, Law, Government and Manners of the Turks by the English ambassador in Istanbul, James Porter, were republished in Neuchâtel. The translator was probably Claude-François Bergier and in all likelihood it was he who inserted a note summing up the enlightened critique of the unacceptable forms of control over thoughts and words inherent in despotism: “Every nation in which freedom to think and to speak will be hampered through laws or fear, will be forever ignorant, hopelessly biased, a slave to superstition, led by fanaticism”. Bergier, or whoever authored the note, did not claim that communication should be unconditionally free, unconstrained by civil laws or unmoderated by the discipline imposed through careful consideration of consequences. This position actually reflected the prevailing sentiment among Enlightenment thinkers who held a variety of often substantially differentiated approaches to the issue of printed expression. A detailed analysis of their writings will show that the genealogy of modern freedom of the press is highly complex, the full comprehension of which requires attention to individual nuances.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Porter 1768.

  2. 2.

    Porter 1770: 14. Claude-Francois Bergier was a lawyer and translated a number of English works into French. It was probably Bergier whom Diderot targeted in a vitriolic remark in the Neveu de Rameau (Diderot 1994. Vol. 12: 92). See also Minuti 2006: 124.

  3. 3.

    See Darnton 1991; Darnton 1995b; Darnton 1995c (which lists the 720 forbidden books that were best-sellers in France after 1769). Darnton’s approach and conclusions are discussed and questioned in The Darnton Debate 1998. An excellent overview of the forbidden literature is Gersmann 1993. Simon Burrows has focused on the forbidden literature written by French authors in London, arguing (unlike Darnton) that it did not intend to attack the culture of the Bourbon monarchy per se and that it was rather one of the ways in which monarchical culture expressed itself (Burrows 2006). See also Israel 2001: 97–118.

  4. 4.

    See in particular de Negroni 1995.

  5. 5.

    Pornographic literature has been investigated in de Baecque 1989; Goulemot 1991 and more generally in the essays collected in The Invention of Pornography 1993.

  6. 6.

    See De bonne main 1993; L’information à l’époque moderne 2005.

  7. 7.

    The functioning of censorship in eighteenth-century France is best described in two essays by Daniel Roche (Roche 1990). Less well-known but extremely informative are Cerf 1967 and Mass 1981. Chapter Die Kontrolle der Literatur im Ancien Regime: 5–32. They have not been superseded by Minois 1995.

  8. 8.

    de Negroni 1995: 106.

  9. 9.

    Beauvois to Pierre Des Maizeaux, Paris, 21 March 1717/1718, BL, Add. Mss. 4281: “Some briefs from Rome arrived last Sunday with the censures of the inquisition of that place. The 1. condemning the appeal as heretical, & ignominous to the Holy See. The 2. condemning Cardinal de Noailles’s appeal as tending to heresy, & injurious to the Holy See. Some copies of these censures being early spread ahead, the Parliament of Paris put out an Arrest against the publication of these censures, & enjoyning any farther altercation relating to the Constitution [Unigenitus]. This Arrest oblig’d the curates, or rather rectors of Paris to wait in a body upon their Archbishop […], & to obtain from the Regent, that they might have the Liberty to repell the objections, & calomnies of their antagonists the Molinists; but his Em.ce did not receive them very graciously. The Archbishop of Reims having publish’d a letter against the protesting bishops, this letter was ordered by the Parliament to be publicly burnt. Whereupon Monsieur de Rheims hath put out a very warm letter. Wherein he insults the parliament in these 2. instances. 1. He declares that he will have this arrest register’d in his officiality as a standing monument of the injustice of his adversaries; 2. That he hath settled a mass to be celebrated yearly in his chappel on the day that his letter was burnt to avert God’s judgments on those that have order’d his letter to be burnt. Time will discover how the Parliament here will relish these proceedings”. See Alamagor 1989. See the overview of the whole question in Van Kley 1996: 85–7 and Doyle 2000. Jansenism: 50.

  10. 10.

    As quoted in Kitchens 1982: 346.

  11. 11.

    Martin 1969. Vol. 1: 439.

  12. 12.

    See in general Censer 1994.

  13. 13.

    André Cheviller made an interesting attempt to reconstruct the role of the university in the control system based on the collaboration between the monarchy, the Faculty of Theology and the Compagnie des libraries: Chevillier 1694.

  14. 14.

    Popkin 1987: 19.

  15. 15.

    Shelford 2006.

  16. 16.

    Le Brun 1975.

  17. 17.

    Lacombe 1985.

  18. 18.

    Simon, Richard. Lettres choisies: 47 and 59 as quoted in Israel 2001: 100. In fact Simon had worked for the Roman Congregation of the Index on the controversy between Isaac Vossius and Georg Horn about the biblical chronology (Cavarzere 2011: 168).

  19. 19.

    Birn 1983.

  20. 20.

    Cfr. Gay 1876; Sauvy 1972 (based on the detailed analysis of the papers in BnF, MSS fr., 21930) and Israel 2001: 101–3, that focuses on the forfeiture of Dutch books owned by the librarian Joseph Huchet and the booksellers brothers Cocquaire .

  21. 21.

    Martin 1969. Vol. 2: 764–9; Hanley 1980.

  22. 22.

    Birn 2007: 42–6. On the reform of 1702 see Woodbridge 1976; Dictionnaire des Journaux. Vol. 2: 650; Van Damme 2005: 103–24.

  23. 23.

    Clarke 1973. On Bignon see Bléchet 1991b.

  24. 24.

    BL, Add. Mss. 4281, ff. 215–6, letter 14 June 1714.

  25. 25.

    Boileau 1711: 8. See Moriarty 1994; Braider 2012. Chapter Des mots sans fin: Meaning and the End(s) of History in Boileau’s Satire XII, ‘Sur l’Equivoque’: 201–242.

  26. 26.

    Bignon to Le Clerc, Paris, 25 February 1709, Universitaetsbibliothek Amsterdam, C19c, as quoted in Goldgar 1995: 207.

  27. 27.

    Russo 2007.

  28. 28.

    Martin 1969. Vol. 2: 765.

  29. 29.

    His correspondence with Des Maizeaux deals with issues of censorship and book trade: BL, Add. Mss. 4281. See also Bléchet 1991a and Bléchet 1990. In 1718 the Regent authorized Bignon to acquire for the Royal Library all books from Holland without the permission of the Chambre syndicale (Bléchet 1992: 35).

  30. 30.

    Adkins 2000.

  31. 31.

    Mémoires de la vie du Comte de Gramont 1713. Philibert, count of Gramont, died in 1707.

  32. 32.

    Voltaire 1877–1885. Vol. 23: 87–126.

  33. 33.

    Bacon 1734. Avec approbation et privilege du Roy. See Candler Hayes 2009.

  34. 34.

    The censor deleted the following section: “IT WERE better to have no opinion of God at all, than such an opinion, as is unworthy of him. For the one is unbelief, the other is contumely; and certainly superstition is the reproach of the Deity. Plutarch saith well to that purpose: Surely (saith he) I had rather a great deal, men should say, there was no such man at all, as Plutarch, than that they should say, that there was one Plutarch, that would eat his children as soon as they were born; as the poets speak of Saturn. And as the contumely is greater towards God, so the danger is greater towards men. Atheism leaves a man to sense, to philosophy, to natural piety, to laws, to reputation; all which may be guides to an outward moral virtue, though religion were not; but superstition dismounts all these, and erecteth an absolute monarchy, in the minds of men. Therefore theism did never perturb states; for it makes men wary of themselves, as looking no further: and we see the times inclined to atheism (as the time of Augustus Caesar) were civil times. But superstition hath been the confusion of many states, and bringeth in a new primum mobile, that ravisheth all the spheres of government. The master of superstition, is the people; and in all superstition, wise men follow fools; and arguments are fitted to practice, in a reversed order. It was gravely said by some of the prelates in the Council of Trent, where the doctrine of the Schoolmen bare great sway, that the Schoolmen were like astronomers, which did feign eccentrics and epicycles, and such engines of orbs, to save the phenomena; though they knew there were no such things; and in like manner, that the Schoolmen had framed a number of subtle and intricate axioms, and theorems, to save the practice of the church. The causes of superstition are: pleasing and sensual rites and ceremonies; excess of outward and pharisaical holiness; overgreat reverence of traditions, which cannot but load the church; the stratagems of prelates, for their own ambition and lucre; the favoring too much of good intentions, which openeth the gate to conceits and novelties; the taking an aim at divine matters, by human, which cannot but breed mixture of imaginations: and, lastly, barbarous times, especially joined with calamities and disasters. Superstition, without a veil, is a deformed thing; for, as it addeth deformity to an ape, to be so like a man, so the similitude of superstition to religion, makes it the more deformed. And as wholesome meat corrupteth to little worms, so good forms and orders corrupt, into a number of petty observances. There is a superstition in avoiding superstition, when men think to do best, if they go furthest from the superstition, formerly received; therefore care would be had that (as it fareth in ill purgings) the good be not taken away with the bad; which commonly is done, when the people is the reformer”.

  35. 35.

    Bibliothèque de l’Arsenal, 2865, f. 184. Les causes de l’Atheisme sont les divisions dans la religion. J’entends qu’il y en a plusieurs. Car une seule donne du zèle aux deux parties, mais plusieurs introduisent l’Atheisme. Le scandale que donnent les prestres en est encore une cause, lorsqu’il est au poinct dont parle S. Bernard. Non est jam dicere ut populus sic sacerdos, quia nec sit populus ut sacerdos. Une troisième est la coutume profane de plaisanter sur les choses saintes, qui a détruit peu à peu la réverence due à la religion. Enfin en temps savant, la paix et l’abondance jointe ensemble. Car les troubles et l’adversité rament l’esprit de la religion.

  36. 36.

    “Il est vrai que nous avons fait quelques retranchemens dans la traduction que nous publions; mais outre qu’ils sont en très petit nombre, nous ne les avons faits que sur l’avis d’un homme d’esprit qui les a jugé nécessaires pour se conformer à nos mœurs et aux loix reçues dans le royaume; et par respect pour la vérité qui s’y trouvoit blessée. La liberté de penser est soufferte en France comme en Angleterre: mais ici elle est resserrée dans les bornes de la sagesse et de la modération, au lieu que l’on n’ignore pas qu’elle est souvent portée à un excès condamnable en Angleterre; et les Anglois les plus judicieux ne font pas difficulté d’en convenir, et de souhaiter que l’on imitat à cet égard notre prudence et notre reserve” (Bacon 1734: xiii–xiv).

  37. 37.

    Saugrain 1744: 341. Barbara de Negroni has emphasized that French censorship was predominantly applied to the Jansenist literature (de Negroni 1995). In fact the guidelines provided by the Code de la Librairie were enforced haphazardly, according to Thierry Rigogne, who claims that the Code de la Librairie failed its objective (Rigogne 2007: 47–64).

  38. 38.

    See the excellent overview in Infelise 2009. Diderot’s and Condillac’s works published with a permission tacite were reviewed in the official periodicals: see Moureau 2006: 303.

  39. 39.

    Freedom of Speech 2012.

  40. 40.

    Delpiano 2007: 81; Weil 1999: 19.

  41. 41.

    d’Argens 1766. Vol. 7: 93. The campaign against the king Henry IV is described in Vol. 1: 144.

  42. 42.

    Montesquieu 1762. Vol. 1, 212 (see Montesquieu 1989: 199; Montesquieu 2011).

  43. 43.

    Montesquieu 1762. Book 12, Chap. 10 (“There was a law passed in England under Henry VIII by which whosoever predicted the king’s death, was declared guilty of high treason. This law was very indeterminate; the terror of despotic power is so great it even turns against those who exercise it. In this king’s last illness, the physicians would not venture to say he was in danger; and surely they acted very rightly”. Vol. 1: 210; for a slightly different translation see Montesquieu 1989: 197).

  44. 44.

    Montesquieu 1762. Book 12, Chap. 12. Vol. 1, 210. The 1989 translation reads: “Speech does not form a corpus delicti: it remains only an idea” (198).

  45. 45.

    Montesquieu 1762. Book 12, Chap. 4. Vol. 1, 201–204 (“In things that prejudice the tranquillity of the state, secret actions are subject to human jurisdiction. But in those which offend the Deity, where there is no public action, there can be no criminal matter; the whole passes betwixt man and God, who knows the measure and time of his vengeance”, 202).

  46. 46.

    Montesquieu 1762. Book 29, Chap. 18. Vol. 2, 280 («And does not a greatness of genius consist rather in distinguishing between those cases in which uniformity is requisite, and those in which there is a necessity for differences?»). On Montesquieu’s dread of uniformity see Tomaselli 2006: 28–31.

  47. 47.

    Montesquieu 1762. Book 19, Chap. 27. Vol. 1: 343 (“The clergy not being able to protect religion, nor to be protected by it, not having power to constrain, seek only to persuade: their pens, therefore, furnish us with excellent works in proof of a revelation, and of the providence, of a supreme being”).

  48. 48.

    Cambier 2010: 206–12 on the “superbe puissance d’opiner”, that is the function that opinion performs in creating a social reality, no matter how unstable, as its perception is an inherent part of reality itself.

  49. 49.

    Montesquieu 1762. Book 19, Chap. 5. Vol. 1: 322.

  50. 50.

    Gargett 1994: 81 underlines Vernet’s strong personality, while Catherine Volpilhac emphasises his ungrounded claim to have edited Montesquieu’s work (Volpilhac 1991: 124–46).

  51. 51.

    Shackleton 1961: 279, brings evidence that Montesquieu changed his text at the very last moment. A more detailed analysis is in Shackleton 1976 and in Derathé 2011: xiii–xiv. See Montesquieu 1762. Book 2, Chap. 4. Vol. 1: 16 (Montesquieu 1989: 17).

  52. 52.

    Saladin, Mémoire historique, as quoted in Gargett 1994: 86.

  53. 53.

    Desgraves 1986: 344; Desgraves 2002.

  54. 54.

    Lynch 1977.

  55. 55.

    Lauriol 2005.

  56. 56.

    Thomson 1981.

  57. 57.

    Roger 1962: LXXIII–LXXV and XCVIII–XCIX; Roger 1989: 115–7; Loveland 2001: 13.

  58. 58.

    Quintili 2009: 265–6.

  59. 59.

    See Venturi 1963 and Proust 1962 are still very reliable and have not been superseded by Blom 2004.

  60. 60.

    Encyclopédie. In Encyclopédie 1751–1765. Vol. 5: 641. In Vol. 13, published in 1765 after the suppression of the printing privilege, the editors inserted the entry Presse (droit publique), written by de Jaucourt, highlighting that freedom of the press is extremely important in “all States based on liberty” (320) and that books do not instigate rebellions.

  61. 61.

    Gordon and Torrey 1947: 17, 35.

  62. 62.

    Cfr. Schwab 1971 Annexe B: 127–48 and Annexe D: 184–8. See also Weil 1987: 416–8 and Moureau 2006: 238. The interpretation given in Bazin 1995: 99–100, is misleading.

  63. 63.

    See the letter written by the censor Trublet to Maupertuis, 24 January 1754, in Terrall 2002: 327, footnotes 54 and 55. In 1749 Maupertuis’ Essai de philosophie morale was published in Berlin, without his consent, and made his materialism unmistakable (Quintili 2009: 270).

  64. 64.

    Garnier 1757. See Moureau 2006: 247–8.

  65. 65.

    Condorcet 1791. Vol. 1: 72.

  66. 66.

    Birn 2001: 16.

  67. 67.

    Gordon and Torrey 1947: 76–7.

  68. 68.

    Encyclopédie 1751–1765. Vol. 9: 472–4.

  69. 69.

    Cfr. Rex 2001.

  70. 70.

    Barber 1966 and Isambert 1821–1833. Vol. 23: 273. On the consequences of the attempted killing of Louis XV on French public opinion see Lattentat de Damiens 1979: 145–96.

  71. 71.

    Ozanam 1955; Correspondance secrète 1956. Vol. 1 (1756–1766); Kates 1995.

  72. 72.

    Smith 1965: 11–27; Correspondance générale dHelvétius 1981–1998. Vol. 2: 10 (letter, 22 June 1757), 22 (letter, 16 February 1758). See also de Negroni 1995: 201–12.

  73. 73.

    “J’ai lu par ordre de monseigneur le Chancelier un manuscrit qui a pour titre De lEsprit, dans le quel je n’ai rien trouvé qui m’ai paru devoir en empecher l’impression. Fait à Versailles, ce 27 mars 1758. Terrier”. This statement was placed on the last page of the volume. It was the standard formula that all books with approbation and privileges must print.

  74. 74.

    An exception is Wootton 2000.

  75. 75.

    Helvétius 1777a. De lEsprit. Vol. 1: 88.

  76. 76.

    Helvétius 1777a. De lEsprit. Vol. 1: 87.

  77. 77.

    Helvétius 1777a. De lEsprit. Vol. 1: 88, footnote 1.

  78. 78.

    Helvétius 1777a. De lEsprit. Discourse 4, Chap. 4: “De l’esprit fin, de l’esprit fort”. Vol. 2: 240–59.

  79. 79.

    Correspondance générale dHelvétius 1981–1998. Vol. 3: 150 (letter to Joseph Michel Antoine Serva, 19 December 1764).

  80. 80.

    Helvétius 1777a. De lhomme. Vol. 5: 54–6 (Helvétius 1777b. Vol. 2: 322).

  81. 81.

    Helvétius 1777a. De lhomme. Vol. 3: 76 (Helvétius 1777b. Vol. 1: 75).

  82. 82.

    Helvétius 1777a. De lhomme. Vol. 3: 347 (Helvétius 1777b. Vol. 1: 324–5).

  83. 83.

    d’Holbach 1773a. Part 2, discourse 6; d’Holbach 1773b. Book 2, Chap. 5: De la liberté de penser.

  84. 84.

    d’Holbach 1776: 161.

  85. 85.

    d’Holbach 1776: 163–4.

  86. 86.

    d’Holbach 1776: 161.

  87. 87.

    d’Holbach 1776: 160. See also 35: “Laws must punish impostors, shameless libellers, who for no other reason than personal hatred or hidden passions, will sow mistrust between the prince and his collaborators. It is indeed a crime worth harsh punishment of those coward slanderers whom envy spur against men in power”.

  88. 88.

    d’Holbach 1776: 162.

  89. 89.

    Galiani 1770: 238.

  90. 90.

    d’Holbach to Paolo Frisi , 1 December 1771: “Depuis quelque tems la presse est si gênée chez nous qu’il est presque impossible de dire les moindres vérités; nous sommes réduits à jouir de celles que nous viennent des pays étrangers”, in Venturi 1956: 286.

  91. 91.

    Diderot 1955–1970. Vol. 15: 243. See Kors 1976: 221.

  92. 92.

    Diderot 1955–1970. Vol. 10: 72–5.

  93. 93.

    Diderot 1955–1970. Vol. 2: 264.

  94. 94.

    Diderot 1955–1970. Vol. 2: 262.

  95. 95.

    Diderot 1955–1970. Vol. 2: 38 (letter to Voltaire, 19 February 1758).

  96. 96.

    Diderot 1875. Principes de politique des souverains, n. 217. Vol. 2: 461–502, 501. See Montesquieu 1762. Book 12, Chap. 27. Vol. 1: 222.

  97. 97.

    Cfr. Volpilhac 1994.

  98. 98.

    Rand 1992; Sheriff 2008: 85–124.

  99. 99.

    Diderot 1875. Salon de 1767. Vol. 16: 286–90, 289. The reaction of Louis-Sébastien Mercier to the engravings of Boucher and Beaudouin was very similar. He considered Beaudouin “a cynical painter who surpassed [Boucher] in licentiousness”: more than the “philosophical books, that a small number of men read and that the crowd is not able to understand”, lascivious images should be taken away from the eyes of women (Mercier 1994. Vol. 1: 1324).

  100. 100.

    On Condillac and his Traité des sensations, see O’Neal 1996.

  101. 101.

    Diderot 1972: 67.

  102. 102.

    A number of examples are provided by Goulemot 1991 and Laqueur 2004.

  103. 103.

    Jacot-Grapa 2009.

  104. 104.

    Diderot 1782. Vol. 2: 237. “A la place du censeur, plus je m’estimerais excellent dans mon métier, plus je tacherais d’être modeste. Puis m’adressant à l’approbateur de son pamphlet, je lui demanderai si quelqu’un a le privilège d’injurier un citoyen, & si un homme honnete peut laisser dire d’un autre ce qu’il serait faché qu’on dit de lui?”. On 25 November 1778 the Essai was approved by the censor Charles-Georges Coqueley de Chaussepierre, himself a playwright and author of theatre pastiches, who was a good friend of Diderot’s (see Diderot 1955–1970. Vol. 15: 125). On Coqueley de Chaussepierre see de Rougemont 2002.

  105. 105.

    Diderot 1955–1970. Vol. 9: 107–9 (A Monsieur de Sartine, August 1769). This letter was passed to Grimm for circulation, but Grimm withdrew it.

  106. 106.

    Diderot 1955–1970. Vol. 10: 72–5 (June 1770).

  107. 107.

    Diderot 1955–1970. Vol. 5: 36 (20 May 1765); Vol. 10: 240 (28 December 1769). See Venturi 1960: 57 for Diderot’s efforts to go around the censorship.

  108. 108.

    In the letters to his daughter Sophie Volland Diderot blamed the unknown capuchin monk who was charged with censoring the manuscript. Diderot wrote “four or five times to the sublime magistrate” (Sartine) to complain of the monk’s hostility to Galiani: Diderot 1955–1970. Vol. 9: 139 (21 September 1769).

  109. 109.

    Diderot 1955–1970. Vol. 9: 144 (20 September 1769). On Maynon d’Invau see Stone 1994: 103–4. On Galiani and the publication of the Dialogues see Goodman 1994: 212–3. The Dialogues sur le commerce des bleds were published in Paris with a permission tacite, with the place of publication falsely given as London. The censor objected to the first dialogue, that suggests that the Holy See is incapable of managing the famine crises due to its inefficiency (Galiani 1770: 1–19). On Diderot’s effort to circumvent censorship see also Galiani 1968: 296–7.

  110. 110.

    Diderot 1955–1970. Vol. 10: 32. Cfr. Davison 1985: 72, 80.

  111. 111.

    Diderot 1955–1970. Vol. 15: 243 (10 June 1781).

  112. 112.

    See Duflo 2009: 124.

  113. 113.

    Diderot 1976. Lettre historique et politique à un magistrat sur le commerce de la librairie. Vol. 8: 465–567, 558. The most insightful analysis is Chartier 2002. See also De Marte 2008 and Rideau 2008.

  114. 114.

    Diderot 1976. Lettre historique et politique. Vol. 8: 559.

  115. 115.

    Diderot 1875. Vol. 4: 83.

  116. 116.

    Hemsterhuis 1964: 450.

  117. 117.

    Hemsterhuis 1964: 513.

  118. 118.

    Goodman 1994: 201–3.

  119. 119.

    On Voltaire as a ‘mainstream’ thinker see Israel 2010.

  120. 120.

    At the opposite ends of the interpretive spectrum are Gay 1959 and Himmelfarb 2004: 159, 170.

  121. 121.

    Rosenfeld 2001; Cronk 2003.

  122. 122.

    Voltaire 1777: 100.

  123. 123.

    Voltaire 1877–1885. Vol. 13: 28.

  124. 124.

    Voltaire 1968–2011. Lettre à un premier commis. Vol. 9: 320.

  125. 125.

    See Voltaire 1877–1885. A.B.C., Neuvième entretien. Des esprits serfs. In Œuvres de Voltaire. Vol. 27: 360: “[…] Il faut punir le séditieux téméraire; mais, parce que les hommes peuvent abuser de l’écriture, faut-il leur en interdire l’usage? J’aimerais autant qu’on vous rendît muet pour vous empêcher de faire de mauvais arguments. On vole dans les rues, faut-il pour cela défendre d’y marcher? On dit des sottises et des injures, faut-il défendre de parler? Chacun peut écrire chez nous ce qu’il pense, à ses risques et à ses périls; c’est la seule manière de parler à sa nation. Si elle trouve que vous avez parlé ridiculement, elle vous siffle; si séditieusement, elle vous punit; si sagement et noblement, elle vous aime et vous récompense. La liberté de parler aux hommes avec la plume est établie en Angleterre comme en Pologne; elle l’est dans les Provinces-Unies; elle l’est enfin dans là Suède, qui nous imite; elle doit l’être dans la Suisse, sans quoi la Suisse n’est pas digne d’être libre. Point de liberté chez les hommes sans celle d’expliquer sa pensée”.

  126. 126.

    Voltaire 1877–1885. Liberté de penser and Liberté d’imprimer (Dictionnaire philosophique). Vol. 19: 583–9.

  127. 127.

    Voltaire. 1877–1885. Lettre au roi de Danemark. Vol. 10: 421–7.

  128. 128.

    Voltaire 1761: 50–1.

  129. 129.

    Shank 2008: 369.

  130. 130.

    Kelly 1997. In an otherwise brilliant paper of 2003, published in 2005 in the “Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century”, Raymond Birn argued – mistakenly, I suggest – that “on the subject of censorship Rousseau was not a deep thinker” (Birn 2005). A brief analysis is in Meier 1984: LXVIII–LXXXV (Meier missed the point of the French functional ambiguity by stating that “censorship was a relatively low hurdle for authors during the ancient regime”, LXXVIII).

  131. 131.

    Birn 2001: 2. The notion of a literary field, idealized by Rousseau and perceived, at the same time, “in its denseness and opacity, as a sphere controlled by agents” who were prone to misunderstanding Rousseau’s intention, is discussed in Turnovsky 2003: 403.

  132. 132.

    Hesse 1990.

  133. 133.

    Rousseau 2004: 262 (see Rousseau 1959–1995. J.-J. Rousseau citoyen de Genève, à Monsieur d’Alembert. Vol. 5: 15).

  134. 134.

    Rousseau 1965–1989. J.-J. Rousseau citoyen de Genève, à Monsieur dAlembert. In Vol. 8: 29 (26 January 1761).

  135. 135.

    Rousseau and Malesherbes 1991; McEachern 1992.

  136. 136.

    Grosclaude 1960: 22.

  137. 137.

    The letter, both in the version Rousseau actually sent to Malesherbes and in the longer version, is in Grosclaude 1960: 23–4.

  138. 138.

    Relying solely on Rousseau’s narrative of Malesherbes’s intervention in Confessions, book 10, Patterson misunderstands the implications of the publication of La Nouvelle Heloise (Patterson 1984: 238).

  139. 139.

    On Piquet, who died in 1779 after censoring 283 books and granting 128 permissions tacites, see Birn 2007: 140.

  140. 140.

    Rousseau 1959–1995. Vol. 3: 1544, footnote 2. Rousseau referred to Christianity as a sect. See Rousseau’s letter to Duclos, 8 December 1760 (Rousseau 1965–1989. Vol. 7: 342–3). The critical edition provided by Bruno Bernardi and Gabriella Silvestrini highlights the passage in which Rousseau refused to accept the change requested by the censor (Rousseau 2008). Duclos received a copy of the galleys of La Nouvelle Heloise, it seems, as a friend, not as a royal censor (Rousseau 1965–1989. Vol. 7: 317, 17 November 1760).

  141. 141.

    Whatmore 2012: 54–97.

  142. 142.

    Rousseau 2002b: 65.

  143. 143.

    Rousseau 2002a: 244.

  144. 144.

    Rousseau 2002a: 200–28 (see Rousseau 2012: 336–88).

  145. 145.

    Athens was not a democracy, Rousseau maintained in Sur léconomie politique (Rousseau 1959–1995. Vol. 3: 246), rather an aristocracy led by the learned and the orators.

  146. 146.

    Rousseau 2002a: 212 (Rousseau 2012: 350).

  147. 147.

    Rousseau 2002a: 230 (Rousseau 2012: 368).

  148. 148.

    Rousseau 2002a: 218 (Rousseau 2012: 360).

  149. 149.

    Rousseau 1965–1989. Vol. 8: 1327 (26 February 1761).

  150. 150.

    “Jusqu’ici j’ai cherché de bonne foi la vérité, préférant cependant des vérités utiles”, Rousseau 1965–1989. Vol. 8: 237 (March 1761).

  151. 151.

    Rousseau 1965–1989. Vol. 10: 26 (12 February 1762).

  152. 152.

    Rousseau 1965–1989. Vol. 7: 297–301 (5 November 1760).

  153. 153.

    Darnton 1984. Chapter Readers Respond to Rousseau: The Fabrication of Romantic Sensitivity: 214–56; Labrosse 1985; Fournier 2007.

  154. 154.

    Turnovsky 2003.

  155. 155.

    See above Introduction.

  156. 156.

    “Mon expérience m’a donc fait prendre la ferme résolution d’être désormais mon unique Censeur”, Rousseau 1965–1989. Vol. 3: 59 (28 November 1754).

  157. 157.

    Rousseau 1959–1995. Confessions. Vol. 1: 40.

  158. 158.

    “C’est alors que le bon usage de sa liberté devient à la fois le mérite et la récompense” (Rousseau 1959–1995. Emile. Vol. 4: 603).

  159. 159.

    Rousseau 1959–1995. Rousseau juge de Jean-Jacques. Vol. 1: 696.

  160. 160.

    Turgot 1913–1923. Vol. 3: 640 (Turgot to Du Pont, December 1773).

  161. 161.

    Hesse 1990: 114–17; Chartier 2005: 177–92; Walton 2009: 57–62; Ranieri 2007. The most insightful analysis of Condorcet’s notion of freedom of the press is Reichardt 1973: 95–102.

  162. 162.

    Gelbart 1987: 229, footnote 58.

  163. 163.

    Condorcet 1847–1849. Fragments sur la liberté de la presse. Vol. 11: 256–314, 256–8. An incomplete version of the Fragments was published in Condorcet 1804. Vol. 16: 3–30.

  164. 164.

    Condorcet 1847–1849. Fragments sur la liberté de la presse. Vol. 11: 260 and 258.

  165. 165.

    See Baxmann 1999: 47, 53.

  166. 166.

    Condorcet 1847–1849. Fragments sur la liberté de la presse. Vol. 11: 260.

  167. 167.

    Condorcet 1847–1849. Fragments sur la liberté de la presse. Vol. 11: 275.

  168. 168.

    Reichardt 1973: 99–100. See Condorcet 1847–1849. Sur labolition des corvées. Vol. 11: 275.

  169. 169.

    Condorcet 1847–1849. Fragments sur la liberté de la presse. Vol. 11: 265.

  170. 170.

    Condorcet 1847–1849. Fragments sur la liberté de la presse. Vol. 11: 277.

  171. 171.

    Condorcet 1847–1849. Fragments sur la liberté de la presse. Vol. 11: 277.

  172. 172.

    Rothschild 2001: 195–217.

  173. 173.

    Condorcet 1847–1849. Fragments sur la liberté de la presse. Vol. 11: 287.

  174. 174.

    Condorcet 1847–1849. Fragments sur la liberté de la presse. Vol. 11: 304.

  175. 175.

    Condorcet 1847–1849. Fragments sur la liberté de la presse. Vol. 11: 306, 308.

  176. 176.

    Hesse 1990: 116.

  177. 177.

    Mercier 1994. Vol. 1: 293.

  178. 178.

    Mercier 1994. Vol. 1: 757–8.

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Tortarolo, E. (2016). The Functional Ambiguity of Censorship and the French Enlightenment. In: The Invention of Free Press. International Archives of the History of Ideas Archives internationales d'histoire des idées, vol 219. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-017-7346-1_3

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