Abstract
Shortly after the national referendum, in the spring of 1980, the Swedish Government decided, in accordance with the result of the referendum, to accept the applications from the utilities to fuel another four reactors. Of 12 projected reactors ten would now soon be in operation. After the referendum people were extremely tired of discussing energy issues, nuclear power and nuclear waste. The referendum campaign had been an enormous learning process for Swedish citizens.1 Many people participated in study circles, mostly initiated by the political parties and the People’s Campaign Against Nuclear Power.
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Notes
Holmberg & Asp (1984: 15) claim that no other issue in the Swedish society after World War II can be compared to the nuclear power issue considering the extent and intensity of people’s engagement.
Lidskog 1994; Noresson 1985.
The Kynnefjäll Group guarded the area day and night for almost twenty years, from April 21, 1980, to February 8, 2000. After the Swedish Minister of the Environment guaranteed that the Kynnefjäll area would be of no further interest for the nuclear waste siting–process the group ended the watching. See Göteborgs–Posten, 2000–02–05.
Lidskog 1994: 57.
For the concept of co-production see Jasanoff & Wynne 1998; cf. Chapter 2.
SFS 1984:3.
Carleson & Hultgren 1983.
KBS 2 was a technical concept developed, in parallel with KBS 1, in order to manage final storage of unreprocessed spent nuclear fuel (while KBS 1 concerned vitrified reprocessed waste). KBS 2 was, however, never used as part of an application to get permission to fuel new reactors. When the last two reactors were completed, 4–5 years later, and their applications were prepared, SKB decided to call the new concept KBS 3. See SKBF 1983: 1.
SKBF 1983: 45.
SKBF 1983: 46–50.
DsI 1984:17, p. 24.
DsI 1984:17, p. 102.
DsI 1984:19, p. 147.
DsI 1984:19, p. 150.
DsI 1984:19, p. 85.
SKB 1986: 85–88.
SKB 1992b: 49.
SKB 1986: 86.
SKB 1989: 27; cf. SKB 1986: 51.
SKB 1986: 88.
SKB 1989: 27.
SKB 1989: 27–28.
SKN 1990a: 27.
SKN 1987; cf. SKB 1989: 26.
SKN 1990b: 91–92.
SKN 1990a: 90.
SKB 1992a: 70.
SKB 1992b: 21.
SKB 1992c: xiii.
SKB 1992b: 40.
SKB 1992c: xvii.
SKB 1986: 51.
SKB 1989: 27.
SKB 1992a: 66. At this time feasibility studies were called pre-studies.
The Government in June 1992 closed down the National Board for Spent Nuclear Fuel (SKN), and its tasks were taken over by SKI.
SKI 1993b: 63–64; italics in the original.
SKI 1993b: 66.
Swedish Government Decision 40, 1993–12–16.
SKB 1992d.
SKI 1993a: 12; italics in the original.
SKB 1994: 24f.
SKB 1994: 20.
SKB 1994: Table 4.5. This sequence was already presented in the 1992 RD&D Programme, see for example SKB 1992a: Figure 9.5. However, feasibility studies were then called pre-studies, and nothing was said about the proper number of these studies.
SKB 1994: 41–42.
SKB 1994: 41.
SKB 1994: 20, 42.
SKI 1995: 1, 28.
SKI 1995:4.
SKI 1995:1.
SKI 1995:4.
Swedish Government Decision 11, 1995–05–18.
The review reports from the government authorities, SKN (1987 and 1990a) and SKI (1993 and 1996) are usually about 100 pages. The Government’s decisions are only a few pages but of great importance as the final decision of the review. In its decision the Government usually emphasizes some arguments from the authority’s review report, or, as this example shows, pass them over in silence. However, the Government usually states in a general way that SKB should consider the arguments raised by the authority.
Swedish Government Decision 11, 1995–05–18.
SKB 1995c: 1.
SKB 1995c: i.
SKB 1995c: 36–37.
SKB 1995e: 122.
SKB 1995f: 118.
SKB 1995f: 119, see also p. 40.
SKB 1995f: 49, see map on p. 48.
SKB 1995f: 37–39.
SKB 1995f: 39.
SKB 1995f: 71–72.
SKI 1996b: 54.
SKB 1995f: 3.
SKI 1996a: 54.
SKI 1996b: 55.
SKI 1996a: 14, 1996b: 54.
SKB 1995f: 72.
SKB 1995f: 70.
Cf. map of Mal&a in SKB 1995f: 41. See also SKB 1995a: 30–31 and SKB 1996a: 3843.
SKI 1996b: 57.
SKB 1996a: 43.
SKB 1995f: 37.
See SKB 1992c: xvii.
SKB 1992b: 61.
SKB 1994: 19.
SKB 1994: 34.
SKB 1994: xi.
The municipalities which responded to the SKB letter of October 1992 showed an explicit interest in nuclear waste management, while SKB expected the five municipalities which are already hosting nuclear facilities to accept feasibility studies, or at least to take a more positive attitude than most of the Swedish municipalities. It is well-known that citizens in those municipalities are more positive to nuclear power than others. See also Chapter 7.
The municipality of Kävlinge hosts the two nuclear reactors named Barsebäck. The location of those reactors has been heavily criticized, not least by the Danes. The distance from Barsebäck to Copenhagen is less than 30 kilometres. This is one reason why the Swedish Government has decided that the Barsebäck reactors should be the first
be phased out (Lidskog 1999). Even if the bedrock was judged as suitable, due to negative opinions it would not have been easy to locate a nuclear waste repository to this area.
SKB 1997a: 11.
Wildaysky 1984.
SKB 1995e: xvi.
SKB 1995b.
SKI 1999: 26.
SKI 1999:11.
Cultural theory is not explicitly part of the traditions of S&TS or SSK (see Chapter 2), but their intellectual roots are similar, not to say the same. One of the founding fathers of SSK, David Bloor, has in several studies used and developed important elements of cultural theory, see Bloor 1982b and 1983. For both SSK and cultural theory Emile Durkheim’s sociology of knowledge is an important source of inspiration, see Bloor 1982a.
See Hollis & Lukes 1982 for a collection of papers discussing rationalism and knowledge criteria.
SKB 1994: 24–32.
It is important to notice that site investigations had been carried out at 10 different sites already during the 80s (SKB 1992b: 49). However, those sites are not part of the current site selection process.
SKB 1992c.
SKI 1992: 4–5.
Elster 1988: ch. 6, 1989: ch. 3.
Elster 1988: 72.
Elster 1988: 73.
SKN 1990a: 90.
SKB 1986: 28.
SKN 1987: 97.
Elster 1993: 181–183.
For a critical discussion of the goal paradigm see Sunesson 1985. The best-known example of a rational theory of organizations, based on a rational theory on action, is found in Olson 1971.
Abrahamsson 1994: 14.
Abrahamsson 1986: 50.
For the concepts of internal logic and external forces see Abrahamsson 1986.
Thompson, Ellis & Wildaysky 1990: 55.
Douglas 1978, 1982, 1987, 1996.
Thompson, Ellis & Wildaysky 1990: 1.
Thompson, Ellis & Wildaysky 1990: 2, 264.
Thompson, Ellis & Wildaysky 1990: 5–13.
Thompson, Ellis & Wildaysky 1990: 22–23.
Thompson, Ellis & Wildaysky 1990: 208. The discussion about the consciousness of the actor and the unintended consequences of actions is extensive. This discussion is part of the controversy between theories of action and theories of system. The controversial subject of functional explanations in the social sciences is also part of this controversy. See for example Elster 1988.
Douglas (1987) talks about shared values and Durkheim (1912) about collective representations By using these concepts they are focusing on values and beliefs which are stable, collective, shared, impersonal, compelling for the individual and a necessity for the society (culture) of which they are part.
Thompson, Ellis & Wildaysky 1990: 98.
The three other cultures besides the individualistic are called hierarchical, egalitarian and fatalistic. For descriptions of the four cultures see Douglas 1970, 1978, 1982, 1992a, 1996; Thompson, Ellis & Wildaysky 1990; Schwarz & Thompson 1990.
For a discussion on the individualistic culture as an enterprise culture, see Douglas 1992b.
See Rayner 1986 for a comparison of how risks are perceived and given attention to in different ways by the individualistic and the hierarchical culture. The individualistic culture perceives the threats in relation to the safe handling of radioactive material in too many and detailed safety prescriptions. This will lead to a more relaxed attitude among the people who have to handle the material, and moreover that those activities which are not possible to regulate are given less attention: just follow the routines and all will be fine. According to the individualistic culture the world does not behave in this way. The hierarchical culture, on the contrary, perceives threats to safety in careless and unregulated individual behaviour.
Lagercrantz 1989: 50.
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Sundqvist, G. (2002). No Particular Place to Go. In: The Bedrock of Opinion. Environment & Policy, vol 32. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-9950-4_6
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