Abstract
In spite of the sagely status he acquired and the cultural icon he became long after his death, Confucius repeatedly professed that he was a quiet yet unrelenting learner. His reiteration does not only suggest that the master was proud of his unassuming efforts in making continuous progress on his lifelong self-cultivation, but also that his contemporaries failed to recognize him as such. This essay focuses on the historical Confucius as he is ostensibly recorded in the Analects and examines the master as a learner and how that role could help explain his philosophy and its evolution.
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- 1.
Translations of the Analects in this chapter are borrowed from Lau 1979 unless otherwise noted. Lau translates ren 仁 as “benevolence” but it is uniformly replaced with “humaneness” in my citations. Wade-Giles Romanization in Lau’s translation is changed to pinyin Romanization.
- 2.
The compilation of the Analects was credited to the disciples of Confucius in the earliest bibliographical record of the Analects in the Bibliographical Section of the dynastic history, Hanshu 漢書 (History of the Han), traditionally attributed to Ban Gu 班固 (32–92 C.E.).
- 3.
Some of Confucius’ contemporaries recognized his erudition, talents, and skills of various sorts and considered him a sage for that reason (9.2, 9.6). But Confucius and his disciples entertained a very different notion of sagehood. See below.
- 4.
This is indeed a misnomer in virtually all modern scholarship. See, for instance, Tu Wei-ming 杜維明, “The Confucian Liu Xia Hui Tradition in Chinese History” (Tu 1990). In fact, there must have been other scholars before Confucius who had offered education to commoners even though their influence was not nearly as widespread and long-lasting as that of Confucius. One such example was Liu Xia Hui 柳下惠, who, like his junior contemporary Confucius, was a native of the state of Lu. Liu Xia Hui had served as a judge (18.2) and Confucius considered him a worthy (15.14, 18.8). We are told that he “was dismissed three times when he was judge” (18.2). In the end he seemed never to be reinstated again, and, according to Liu Xiang’s 劉向 (ca. 77–6 B.C.E.) Biographies of Women 列女傳, he chose to teach instead.
- 5.
On another occasion, the master said, “How dare I claim to be a sage or a humane person? Perhaps it might be said of me that I learn without flagging and teach without growing weary.” Gongxi Hua said, “This is precisely where we disciples are unable to learn from your example.” See Analects 7.34.
- 6.
The Mohists were arguably a notable exception.
- 7.
For a detailed analysis of the tripartite nature of Confucian learning as scholastics, self-cultivation, and faith, see Lao 2012: 103–130.
- 8.
For instance, Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200) said that students should focus on the opening book of the Analects first as it talks much about the fundamentals that constitute the foundation of the cultivation of virtues and the gateway to the Way. See Zhu 2003: 47.
- 9.
The term peng 朋 in this chapter is invariably understood and translated as “friends” in modern scholarship but strictly speaking, it actually means “fellow classmates.” For a discussion, see Lo, “Teacher-Disciples, or Friends?—An Historico-Exegetical Approach to the Analects” (Lo 2007).
- 10.
In Analects 3.4 Confucius contrasts the technical details of funeral rites with the sorrow of the mourner who performs them and privileges the latter.
- 11.
Confucius must have been faced with difficult decision-making throughout his long life and the decisions he made might not be appreciated or understood even by his disciples. For instance, the master’s decision to meet Nanzi 南子, the wife of Duke Ling of Wei 衛靈公 who was reputedly notorious for her licentiousness must have been difficult, and in the end his disciple Zilu was very much upset with him and Confucius apparently felt obliged to defend his innocence by emphatically swearing that “If I have done anything improper, may Heaven’s curse be on me, may Heaven’s curse be on me!” (6.28). See also 17.1 and 17.5.
- 12.
My reading differs from Lau’s. See Lau 1979: 65.
- 13.
To keep the explicit meaning of the original word xin in the translation, Lau’s translation is modified here.
- 14.
Modified from Lau’s translation.
- 15.
For a study of the etymology of the term sheng (sage), see Chen 2000: 409–427.
- 16.
The complex graph zhi for knowing consists of the shi 矢 (arrow) graph and the wei 囗 (target) graph. The idea of aiming at a target, reaching out and hitting it is prominent.
- 17.
Translation modified from Lau’s.
- 18.
An earlier and similar version of the analysis of Confucius’ lifelong odyssey first appeared in Lo 2012.
- 19.
My reading is different from Lau’s.
- 20.
For the importance and significance of sensory observation as a method of gaining knowledge in the Analects, see Lao 2005: 73–102. Note also that the ear to which Confucius referred here is an organ of sensory of perception rather than the attuned ear he acquired at age 60.
- 21.
My reading is different from Lau’s and virtually all other modern interpretations.
- 22.
The master said, “The Zhou is resplendent in culture, having before it the example of the two previous dynasties (namely, the Xia and the Yin). I am for the Zhou.” See Analects 3.14.
- 23.
My reading is different from Lau’s.
- 24.
Zhuangzi seems to be the only other philosopher in the Warring States period who explicitly contemplated on our knowledge of humanity and Heaven and the ambiguous and ever-shifting boundary between the two realms. For him, he who is able to demarcate such boundary is the Perfect Man (zhiren 至人). See the “Da zongshi” 大宗師 chapter of the Zhuangzi.
- 25.
Advantage may not be limited to any particular goal, and not aiming at being a utensil does not mean that the gentleman cannot function as a utensil as well. In fact, Confucius called one of his most accomplished disciples Zigong a “sacrificial utensil.” See Analects 5.4. On the other hand, the wise person is not necessarily a gentleman.
- 26.
One of Confucius’ criteria in justifying the practice of the 3-year mourning for one’s parents was the bereaved children’s inability to feel at ease with eating rice and wearing finery during the mourning period. See Analects 17.21.
- 27.
It is also said in the “Geng sang chu” 庚桑楚 chapter of the Zhuangzi that “Liking, disliking, delight, anger, sorrow, and joy are the burdens of one’s innate power.”
- 28.
See the “Ke yi” 刻意 chapter of the Zhuangzi.
- 29.
See the “Yang sheng zhu” 養生主 chapter and “De chong fu” 德充符 chapter in the Zhuangzi.
- 30.
See the “De chong fu” chapter in the Zhuangzi. In the “Qiu shui” 秋水 chapter, Zhuangzi talks about the joy of fish and it seems that vicarious joy between man and fish is possible. As mentioned earlier, sheng (sage) means “communion” between the ear and the heart, but Duan Yucai had Confucius in mind in his interpretation of the sage’s ershun ability to be at ease in his communion with others.
- 31.
See the “Renjian shi” 人間世 chapter and the “Da zongshi” chapter of the Zhuangzi.
- 32.
See the “Zhi le” 至樂 chapter of the Zhuangzi.
- 33.
Amy Olberding has discussed perceptively how the personal style of Confucius actually served an educative function in his teaching. See Olberding 2007: 357–374.
- 34.
In Analects 17.25 Confucius talked about the difficulty of managing the servants and maids in the household and it is probable that he was at least referring to his experience in his own household. In answering the Duke Jing of Qi 齊景公 about government, Confucius said, “Let the ruler be a ruler, the subject a subject, the father a father, the son a son.” See Analects 12.11. Observance of the proper duties and obligations of political and social roles is the key to political success. It would seem that the master would advise that familial harmony also hinges on the proper observance by the master and servants of their respective duties and obligations in a household. For a detailed study of Analects 17.25, see Lao 2007: 131–163.
- 35.
- 36.
When Qidiao Kai 漆雕開 refused to take office as Confucius instructed because he did not feel confident enough, the master was pleased (5.6). And when Zilu made another disciple Zigao the prefect of Bi, the master was not happy and thought Zilu was “ruining another man’s son” (11.25).
- 37.
In Analects 15.7 Yan Hui asked Confucius about the government of a state, and judging from the master’s answer which is fundamentally different in scale and scope from those he gave to all other disciples, it is evident that Confucius was confident of his political talents.
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Lo, Y.K. (2014). Confucius and His Community. In: Olberding, A. (eds) Dao Companion to the Analects. Dao Companions to Chinese Philosophy, vol 4. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-7113-0_4
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