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Specificity Markers and Nominal Exclamatives in French

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Part of the book series: Studies in Linguistics and Philosophy ((SLAP,volume 92))

Abstract

This paper is dedicated to the French specificity marker précis, one of the possible translations of the English specificity marker particular. Firstly, it is shown that un N précis (i) does not tolerate singleton domains, (ii) presents as non accidental the fact that it is the referent, and (presumably) not the alternative elements of the domain, which satisfies the verbal predicate and (iii) tends to be focused and to background the rest of the sentence. On these three points, précis differs from the other specificity marker certain. Secondly, it is suggested that the different uses of un certain N differentiated by Houghton (2000) are different ways to justify the fact the speaker indicates that a second description of the referent exists without giving it (Jayez and Tovena, 2002). Thirdly, it is shown that neither un certain N nor un N précis are acceptable in certain kinds of nominal exclamative sentences (cf. ??Oh! un certain paquet! ‘Oh! A certain package!’, ??Oh! un paquet prcis! ‘Oh! A particular package!). It is claimed that the unacceptability of un certain N in these exclamative nominal sentences comes from the impossibility to use this NP as a predicate nominal, while the one generated by un N précis in enss is the result of a clash between two incompatible information structures.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The term ‘anti-singleton indefinite’ is borrowed from Alonso-Ovalle and Menéndez-Benito (2010).

  2. 2.

    However, précis becomes compatible with the definite once modified by a restrictive clause, cf. the example below.

    I do not have an explanation for this contrast.

  3. 3.

    The verb select is defined in the Oxford Dictionary as carefully choose as being the best or most suitable.

  4. 4.

    On backgrounding and the difference with presupposing, I refer to Geurts (2005).

  5. 5.

    On the scopal properties of certain, I refer the reader to the cited works of Jayez and Tovena as well as Yanovich (this volume).

  6. 6.

    Which means that one may assume that in these nominal sentences, the relation implicated by un N précis takes as one of its argument a sometimes implicit predicate B, i.e. something like be present there. The predicate B which serves as a second term for the causal relation can also be a locative adjunct, like au bar in the example (8). Note that ceteris paribus, assertive nominal sentences with précis are more difficult to build without the help of such an adjunct than with certain. This confirms that précis, but not certain, conveys a causal relation between two properties.

  7. 7.

    On descriptions which are simultaneously used referentially and attributively, see also Nunberg (2004). Note that rigid designators like definite NPs and proper names are not attributive in Oh exclamatives. For instance, (i) does not express that the speaker is surprised to perceive the man under the guise man with the red suit. It could be that the description provided by the NPs is totally irrelevant for the surprise. In fact, (i) could serve exactly the same purpose as (ii) (if we assume that (i) and (ii) refer to the same entity).

    1. (i.)

      Oh 1! L’homme au costume rouge!‘Oh! The man with the red suit!’

    2. (ii.)

      Oh 1! Le remplaçant de l’épicier!‘Oh! The grocer’s substitute!’

    My claim about Oh exclamatives is restricted to NPs which are not rigid designators.

  8. 8.

    The only exceptions I am aware of for French are Martin (1987) and Vinet (1991). However, the first one does not make any distinction between different types of Oh! Un N as proposed below, and the latter only addresses enss of the type Incroyable, le paquet! ‘Incredible, the package!’.

  9. 9.

    As already mentioned, in the case of nominal sentences, the implicit predicate B corresponds to something like to be here or even simply here.

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Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Christopher Piñón for stimulating discussions about the distribution of indefinites in exclamatives. I also thank the audiences of the Funny Indefinites Worshop (especially Jacques Jayez and Lucia Tovena) and the Quantifier Modification Workshop at Esslli 2007 for valuable discussions, as well as Cornelia Ebert for her comments on a previous draft of this paper. This work is supported by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (SFB 732, Teilprojekt B5).

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Correspondence to Fabienne Martin .

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Martin, F. (2013). Specificity Markers and Nominal Exclamatives in French. In: Ebert, C., Hinterwimmer, S. (eds) Different Kinds of Specificity Across Languages. Studies in Linguistics and Philosophy, vol 92. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-5310-5_2

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