Abstract
The adoption of agroecological practices entails important changes in several aspects of the allocation and use of natural resources. Improvements in the management of water resources and in the conservation of catchment processes represent crucial requirements for agroecology. The search for more sustainable water management is, therefore, critical for agroecological production. This review initially discusses the connections between agroecology and water sustainability and points out the failures of conventional responses to water management problems that are common in many parts of the North and Global South, particularly among subsistence farmers and vulnerable catchments. The experience of recent years demonstrates that, while most public policies aim to reconcile socioeconomic development with the conservation of aquatic systems, in practice those attempts have often led to the intensification of old and new disputes. In the center of the controversy lays a fierce disagreement about the interpretation of the meaning of sustainability and the practice of sustainable water management. As much as agroecology, water sustainability is a contested concept with principally political repercussions. Sustainable use and conservation of water requires a fair and equitable distribution of opportunities across groups and generations allowing all to benefit from the shared water environment. Imbalances resulting from anthropogenic water extraction, unfair water distribution and ecosystem deterioration (for example, resulting from the prevailing agribusiness model of agriculture production) are highly politicized questions that have serious implications for the promotion of agroecology. The second part of the review involves a conceptual discussion of a case study in Motul, Yucatan, Mexico. The Mexican example shows that agroecology in the Yucatan Peninsula is still marginalized, primarily because export manufacturing has been preferred over agricultural development in many regions of the Yucatan, and that freshwater for agricultural use (in the state as whole) is of limited quality – in part because of industrial underground water pollution, combined with adverse geology, soil, and hydrological conditions. An in-depth analysis of governmental authority policy will help clarify why such pervasive and limiting conditions for the development of agroecology in the state are likely to remain so, at least for intermediate to long time periods.
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Notes
- 1.
Y Industries is a garment maquiladora producing jeans for export to the American market. Y Industries employees are rural Mayans living in the Ex-Henequen Region.
- 2.
The Peten plant community (typical edaphic known as a ‘hammock plant community’ in English) results from freshwater streams running underground to areas close to the seashore, where saline and freshwater mix. Some plants there (particularly tropical green and semi-evergreen forest species) benefit from freshwater streams coming from inland areas (see Febles-Patrón and Batllori-Sampedro 1995; Trejo-Torres 1993; Miranda 1958, for more details). The Peten is unique in that the geohydrology (of the North, Northeast and West) of the peninsula generates ideal conditions for the growth of tropical rain forest species despite adverse climatic conditions (i.e., low precipitation and extremely high water evaporation rates – Bs0 type climate).
- 3.
Hurricanes can carry volumes of water up to ten times higher than those registered during normal rain periods (Rosengaus Moshinsky et al. 2003).
- 4.
Lack of sewage systems in the Yucatan increases underground water exposure to coliform pathogens. Widespread use of latrines has been regarded as a serious infrastructural health issue (Gooddy et al. 1997).
- 5.
Initially (1970s), development policy in the state considered varied industrial processes and built an industrial park for ‘polluting’ industries and later a second industrial park for ‘non-polluting’ industries, both located in Merida.
- 6.
Accounting for 9% of the total population in the state with an average of 24,000 inhabitants in each (INEGI 2011).
- 7.
SEMARNAT, Secretaría del Medio Ambiente y Recursos Naturales (environment and natural resources agency); PROFEPA, Procuraduría Federal de Protección al Ambiente (federal law enforcement agency for environmental protection); CNA, Comisión Nacional del Agua (national water commission).
- 8.
CRETIB refers to the chemical and physical properties of the waste. In Spanish it is: Corrosivo, Reactivo, Explosivo, Tóxico, Inflamable, Biológico infeccioso. These categories are similar to those used by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) in the United States, with the only exception that Mexican legislation added biological infectious waste (see Kopinak and Barajas 2002:223).
- 9.
Created in 1983 and replaced in 1992 by the INE and SEDESOL (see http://www.ine.gob.mx/ueajei/publicaciones/libros/132/evolucion.html)
- 10.
Import Substitution Industrialisation Program.
- 11.
The SEMARNAP (Secretaría del Medio Ambiente Recursos Naturales y Pesca) became SEMARNAT (Secretaria del Medio Ambiente y Recursos Naturales) in the year 2000. The Fisheries department (Pesca) was transfered to the newly created SAGARPA (Secretaría de Agricultura. Ganadería, Desarrollo Rural, Pesca y Alimentación).
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Navarrete, J.M., Ioris, A.A.R., Granados, J. (2012). Water Sustainability and Politics – Examples from Latin America and Implications for Agroecology. In: Campbell, W., López Ortíz, S. (eds) Integrating Agriculture, Conservation and Ecotourism: Societal Influences. Issues in Agroecology – Present Status and Future Prospectus, vol 2. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-4485-1_4
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