Abstract
This chapter investigates instances of NI in which the order V+N is found. Languages with V+N order constitute apparent counter-examples to the proposal put forth here. What I will show is that the IN in some of the languages under consideration is larger than in instances of prototypical NI. This will be obvious in the Niuean examples discussed below, but not for Mapudungun and Upriver Halkomelem, where the IN genuinely appears bare. In all cases, however, I show that asymmetric c-command holds between the verbal root and the IN, thus allowing the LCA to establish a V+N order for the NI constructions here.
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Notes
- 1.
Citing Karetu (1974: 97).
- 2.
Citing Jones and Biggs (1995).
- 3.
There are two kinds of pseudo noun incorporation in Niuean . While it is true that in general incorporation, indicative relatives are impossible, they are possible in fai-incorporation structures (Massam 2009). Fai is a verb which roughly means “to have”, thus, fai-incorporation structures indicate possession, thus asserting the existence of the object in question.
- 4.
The reader will note that there is no categorizing nP projection. These are not discussed in Kahnemuyipour and Massam and are left out of the discussion here. For the current purposes, I assume that an N projection corresponds to an nP in which the root has raised to SpecnP as seen in many of the other languages presented here.
- 5.
The tacit assumption here is that K has an uninterpretable Case feature, thus only KPs need to raise to a position in the clause to check Case. Recall that Massam derives VSO word order by remnant movement of the VP to an EPP position in the IP domain, thus requiring overt movement of the object KP to a higher position.
- 6.
A related question here is whether the IN has the same kind of word-level stress as non-incorporated nominals, since I propose that a phasal n is present (see the discussion at the beginning of Chapter 5 and on Romance compounds in the next section).
- 7.
A crucial piece of data that is missing from Donohue (1999) is whether the perfective marker can appear after a full DP object. This, of course, makes strong predictions regarding the surface position of the incorporated object and the full DP object, but these questions cannot be answered here.
- 8.
N+V compounding is by-and-large absent in Romance. One notable exception is Catalan , which has semi-productive N+V NI (Gracia and Fullana 1999). Unlike the IN in V+N compounding constructions discussed here for the rest of Romance, the IN in N+V NI constructions in Catalan is a bare noun without number marking.
- 9.
This is akin to Newell’s proposal where she explicitly distinguishes between vP (which introduces the external argument) and vP (which is the true verbalizer, such as -ify). See also Harley (2007) for related discussion.
- 10.
- 11.
This of course only accounts for the uniform gender of these compounds within a single language. It does not account for the fact that these compounds are masculine in all the Romance languages examined here, nor is it intended to. Only a historical study into compounds in Proto-Romance can answer this question.
- 12.
One unanswered question is whether the √P raises to SpecnP given that there are otherwise overt nominalizers in the language. Given the arguments throughout this monograph, the answer would seem to be yes, although I have not explored the ramifications of this putative movement.
- 13.
- 14.
This kind of leapfrogging movement was argued for in Koopman and Szabolcsi (2000) for the formation of the verbal complex in Hungarian based on similar evidence. Specifically, the anti-mirror effects (in the sense of Baker 1985), in which V+N order is found, in inconsistent with a pure head raising analysis. Why some projections undergo Complement-to-Spec roll-up and others do not is a mystery which will have to await future research.
- 15.
Lexical suffixes are wide-spread across the Salish family. See the references cited for more sources on other Salish languages.
- 16.
This contradicts the findings of Gerdts (2003), where she presents data that lexical suffixation does affect argument structure. This may be due to dialectal differences between Upriver Halkomelem and Island Halkomelem (from which Gerdts draws her observations).
- 17.
I have represented the empty DP argument as pro; however it remains to be seen what the nature of this empty category is.
- 18.
Recall that I am assuming a single-engine hypothesis for syntax and morphology (Julien 2002; Marantz 1997). Regardless, it is clear from the examples that a more than a single projection is needed for the incorporated noun in Onondaga since nominalizing morphology is typically assumed to head its own projection (Marantz 2001; Ogawa 2001).
- 19.
See, for instance, Cinque (1999) or Alexiadou (1997) who claim that adverbs can appear as specifiers of functional projections or as heads either of the same projection (as Cinque discusses) or as non-projecting heads that are sister to V (as Alexiadou discusses). Also, Wiltschko (2004) proposes that a given syntactic item can either project (as a head) or not (as an adjunct), from one language to the next.
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Barrie, M. (2011). V+N Order. In: Dynamic Antisymmetry and the Syntax of Noun Incorporation. Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic Theory, vol 84. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-1570-7_6
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