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The Selectivity and Vocational Orientation of Education Systems

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Part of the book series: SpringerBriefs in Education ((BRIEFSEDUCAT,volume 1))

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Abstract

Building partly on the indicators that were discussed and reviewed in previous chapters and partly on some additional measures, this chapter focuses on two specific aspects of education quality: selectivity and the extent to which education systems are geared to preparing young people for the labour market. The latter characteristic will be referred to briefly as the vocational orientation (For Dutch-speaking readers: vocational orientation is meant as a translation of beroepsgerichtheid) of education systems. In the Netherlands as well as in a number of nearby countries, selectivity and vocational orientation appear to be closely related. We first address the fundamentally different paradigms that countries in various parts of the western world have adopted when it comes to selection and the importance of vocational learning. We then discuss three ways of measuring these. In the second half of this chapter, the attention shifts to the wider implications of selectivity, showing that despite uncertainties it is clear that countries have much to gain or lose in shaping their education policies.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For Dutch-speaking readers: vocational orientation is meant as a translation of beroepsgerichtheid.

  2. 2.

    When people no longer spend their lives in one job, a broad preparation for working life seems more appropriate than a narrow and early focus on just one trade or craft (see, for instance, Carnoy 2004).

  3. 3.

    The information in this paragraph is mainly derived from “Key data on education in Europe 2009” and more in particular Chapter B on organisation, Sect. 1 on structures. Key Data is published by Eurydice and Eurostat (2009).

  4. 4.

    TVET stands for Technical and Vocational Education and Training.

  5. 5.

    In some countries we find a relatively selective system of higher education, alongside forms of vocational or professional education that can be referred to as “tertiary non-higher” education. In other countries, for instance the USA, all tertiary education is called higher education, including courses that are equivalent to forms of tertiary vocational education in continental Europe located outside the realm of higher education. Apparently, some countries use a narrower definition of “higher education” and others a wider one. Hence, we prefer the more neutral term “tertiary education” above the term “higher education”.

  6. 6.

    Exactly how the composite indicators has been calculated is explained in OECD (2005a, b, p. 405).

  7. 7.

    According to national data (Ministry of Education, Culture and Science 2009, p. 17) 94% of all children that left primary school in 2006 in the Netherlands went to regular secondary education. These national data do not immediately distinguish between the various tracks. After 2 years of secondary education, however, 38% of the original primary school leavers is found in tracks that prepare them directly for higher education. Another 53% is in the vocational track called VMBO. 6% went directly from primary education to forms of special education, half of which in a vocational track called “praktijkonderwijs” or practical education. The remaining 3% seems to have dropped out by the age of 14 or 15. If we add the 53% in the VMBO to the 3% in the “praktijkonderwijs”, we obtain the 56% mentioned in the text. The reason for the difference with the OECD figure of 61.3% for 2003 is not clear. The two figures have different years of measurement—2003 versus 2006—so real change could have taken place in the meantime, but this unlikely to explain all of the difference.

  8. 8.

    OECD, UNESCO and EU derive their data from one and the same questionnaire, which is completed by the countries themselves. Therefore, any differences in outcomes between the three organisations must stem from their interpretation of data, not from differences between the data as such.

  9. 9.

    Regional data for Sub-Saharan Africa are missing, but national data show a pattern that is similar to that for other developing regions.

  10. 10.

    The indicator called “education expectancy” is indicator number C1.7 in the 2009 edition of Education at a Glance. It is not included in the report proper but available on the web. A link is provided on page 300.

  11. 11.

    Japan’s value for the indicator “cognition” is 5310 (Hanushek and Woessmann 2009), while other indicators show its attainment level is also comparable to that of Korea (see for instance OECD 2009, indicator A).

  12. 12.

    At age 15, 11.3% of all pupils in the Netherlands had an immigrant background in 2006. For PISA-winning Finland this figure is a mere 1.5%. The average for the 27 EU countries is 7.9%.

  13. 13.

    Even Hanushek and Woessmann find that the closer a country follows behind the leader (i.e., Finland) the smaller the economic gains that result from closing the gap with the leader (OECD, 2010).

  14. 14.

    It is speculative, but if education builds social capital by bringing young people and a teacher together in meaningful and intelligent interaction on a regular basis, it may be the case that the production of social capital depends on the amount of time these people interact and perhaps less on the outcomes of their exams.

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Scheerens, J., Luyten, H., van Ravens, J. (2011). The Selectivity and Vocational Orientation of Education Systems. In: Scheerens, J., Luyten, H., van Ravens, J. (eds) Perspectives on Educational Quality. SpringerBriefs in Education, vol 1. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-0926-3_5

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