Abstract
Understanding common property regimes, i.e., the systems and institutions through which access to shared natural resources is governed, is critical to ensuring that these resources are used in equitable and sustainable ways. With an estimated five billion hectares of natural resources managed through such tenure regimes, the significance of the commons cannot be understated. Where common property regimes are strong, they provide the rules and enforcement mechanisms that allow rural people to access natural resources in ways that increase livelihood opportunities (such as grazing, fishing, or the collection of forest products for household use or sale), while ensuring environmental sustainability. Where these regimes are weak or undermined by their nonrecognition by more powerful actors, households and communities may lose access to the unique benefits offered by the commons – such as secure access to water and pasture in drought-prone environments, or the means to sustain resources for community use through protection against outside encroachment. When the commons are eroded through their privatization or government appropriation, many of these benefits – often critical for reducing poverty and vulnerability – are lost. This chapter presents a synthesis of findings from case studies on common property from 20 countries, which considered a diversity of resources including forests, rangelands, and fisheries. It highlights a variety of sources of authority for common property regimes, illustrates the different ways through which individuals and groups gain access to natural resources through these tenure regimes, and discusses key challenges and adaptations that were observed in the case studies.
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- 1.
In Segun Guillermo Valera, a campesino community in Peru, common-use land managed as common property makes up 79 percent of the community’s total area, with the remaining 21 percent managed by individual families (Burneo 2005). Similar examples were provided by cases from Cameroon, India, Nepal, South Africa, and Zimbabwe.
- 2.
Under-provision here refers to potential overconsumption, i.e., where individuals or households that access the commons consume resources at a level that is less than optimal for the group as a whole. This reflects the challenge set forth in the Prisoner’s Dilemma, in which the absence of norms to govern resource consumption within the group provides a negative incentive to individual users to overconsume, because they have no assurance that other individuals will not also overconsume. Common property regimes address this challenge by establishing norms and enforcement mechanisms that prevent overconsumption, allowing group members to instead use resources at a level that would be optimal for the group as a whole (see Ostrom et al. 1994, pp. 9 and 61).
- 3.
The complete framework, as well as the case studies which were contributed, is available at www.landcoalition.org (Fuys et al. 2008).
- 4.
Reciprocity was also evident in a study of irrigation as common property in Japan, even though the common property institutions in this case were based on a statutory framework rather than customary laws. Among Japan’s collective irrigation associations, rules concerning common water resources are rarely violated, in part because reciprocity and group identity are strong norms in rural Japanese society (Sarker 2005).
- 5.
For more information on the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act and its implementation, see www.pafid.org, www.tebtebba.org and www.ncip.gov.ph.
- 6.
In this chapter, decentralization refers to the delegation of state powers, such as the authority to establish laws or generate public revenue, to local government. Devolution refers to the transfer of rights and responsibilities from central government to community-based institutions, such as resource user associations (see Ribot 2002).
- 7.
“With the change in government in Ethiopia in 1991, the country has pursued an ‘ethnic federalism’ approach to governance whereby administrative boundaries (Regions) were redrawn along broad ethnic lines … While the current Ethiopian constitution indicates that all land belongs to the state, much power has been given over to these ethnic regions to govern their own affairs … The constitution also gives the regions the power to recognize customary dispute resolution mechanisms” (Unruh 2005, p. 3).
- 8.
For more information on PPSHK’s activities in West Kalimantan, see www.jeef.or.jp/EAST_ASIA/indonesia/PPSHK.html, www.landcoalition.org/partners/ppppshk.htm.
- 9.
A “*” before title indicates that the paper was one of the 41 case studies contributed to this initiative and cited in: Fuys A., Mwangi, E., & Dohrn, S. (2008) Securing Common Property Regimes in a Globalizing World: Synthesis of 41 Case Studies on Common Property Regimes from Asia, Africa, Europe and Latin America. Knowledge for Change series, #3. Rome, Italy: International Land Coalition (ILC). Available at: http://www.landcoalition.org/wp-content/uploads/ilc_securing_common_property_regimes_e.pdf (Last accessed Feb. 28, 2010).
References
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Fuys, A., Dohrn, S. (2010). Common Property Regimes: Taking a Closer Look at Resource Access, Authorization, and Legitimacy. In: German, L., Ramisch, J., Verma, R. (eds) Beyond the Biophysical. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-8826-0_9
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