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Religion as Embodiment

Cultural-Psychological Concepts and Methods in the Study of Conversion Among “Bevindelijken”

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Abstract

Some years ago, Meredith B. McGuire, then president of the Society for the Scientific Study of Religion (SSSR), tried to call the attention of sociology and psychology of religion to the human body (McGuire 1990). In an eloquent presidential address, she claimed that the social sciences of religion “could be transformed” if the notion that humans are embodied would be taken seriously. In particular, she pointed out the body’s importance (a) in self-experience and self’s experience of others; (b) in the production and reflection of social meanings; (c) as the subject and object of power relations. McGuire’s essay testifies to the growing awareness in contemporary general sociology and psychology of the impact of culture on human functioning, including religiosity. Deplorably, McGuire has not found much of a reception in the psychology of religion. At about the same time, in an invited essay in the opening volume of the newly established The International Journal for the Psychology of Religion (IJPR), Richard Hutch (1991) similarly called attention to the issue of embodiment. He showed that the body has been neglected both as an object of study and as “a researcher’s best tool” (p. 196). Attention to embodiment, Hutch (1991) claims, could foster a comprehensive theoretical reconstruction of the psychology of religion that works beyond ethnocentric limitations. But if one goes through the following volumes both of the JSSR and the IJPR, one finds no echoes of McGuire’s or Hutch’s plea. For the development of theory and research in the discipline, this is to be deplored. Theory, however, is not an end in itself. In any scholarship, also in the scientific study of religion, new theories, concepts and methods will only count as progress when they demonstrate an improved access to and understanding of the phenomena to be analyzed, when they enable research of phenomena that were considered unapproachable, or when they make visible hitherto unknown (aspects of) phenomena. Therefore, theorizing about “embodiment” will have to prove its value in its empirical application: what can it add to the exploration and understanding of religion(s)?

Bevindelijken refers to a group of “experience-oriented” religious people in the Netherlands that is being described in the text. I know of no English word that captures the meaning and current connotations of this term and therefore prefer to use the original word, as is customary in studies in anthropology and history of religions.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Although one can hardly do so in a translation, in the next sentences I will try to convey a little of the style of the bevindelijken, using their rather rhetorical terminology. I will deliberately avoid gender neutral language, which they would abhor as opposing the “divinely ordained creation order of male headship.” In many respects, the bevindelijken are strictly conservative; even their language, called the “language of Canaan,” is old-fashioned, rooted in a – to their understanding: irreplaceable – Bible translation from the seventeenth century and in authors from the Further Reformation. Many of the distinguishing characteristics of the group fall outside the scope of this article; in the text I focus on their spirituality, which, for lack of space, I can only describe in part. Some more information in English on the group and its spirituality can be found in Belzen (2003).

  2. 2.

    That is a person in whose life God has “wrought a change.”

  3. 3.

    Even an application I made for a grant for student research was initially (1992) criticized by reviewers of the Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research: I should have realized that this group is too closed to be investigated, especially about conversion.… Meanwhile, the student successfully defended her doctoral dissertation: Hijweege (2004).

  4. 4.

    A related current similar to discursive psychology is even more outspoken in this regard. Regarding discourse as the characteristic feature of human life, Harré and Stearns (1995) state that there is no central processor (Shweder 1991), or any such mechanism as assumed by the “old” cognitive psychology. Psychology should not search for that. It should rather disclose the structure of the discursive productions in which psychological phenomena are immanent and seek to discover how the various cognitive skills needed to accomplish the tasks that psychology studies are acquired, developed, integrated and employed. Resisting any (neuropsychological) reductionism, they apodictically write: “There is nothing in the human universe except active brains and symbolic manipulations” (Harré and Stearns 1995, p. 2).

  5. 5.

    Criticisms of the neglect of the body in psychology, indeed in Western thought in general, have been offered by philosophical anthropologists and phenomenologists like Nietzsche, Heidegger and Merleau-Ponty (for instructive reviews, see e.g., Csordas 1990; Merwe and Voestermans 1995; Stam 1998; Voestermans and Verheggen 2007). In fact, good reasons may be put forward to argue that human beings can understand and think as they do because our more abstract understandings are grounded in preconceptual embodied structures (Lakoff and Johnson 1980; Johnson 1987). A contribution from evolutionary biology to these reflections is provided by Sheets-Johnstone: she points out that major abstract concepts (including notions of death, numbers, agency, etc.) derive from an original corporeal logos. Suggesting that the roots of human thinking lie in the hominid body, she asserts: “meanings are generated by an animal’s bodily comportment, movement and orientation […] semanticity is a built-in of bodily life” (Sheets-Johnstone, in Sampson 1996, p. 618). Cf. also Sacks (1990) who describes how bodily activities evoke a self (p. 46). It would take me too far afield to develop these ideas here. For one of the rare – strongly Lacanian psychoanalytically oriented – attempts at conceptualizing the interwovenness of the human body and culture in psychology-of-religion research, cf. Vergote (1978/1988); also cf. O’Connor (1998).

  6. 6.

    In fact, it is a matter of discussion whether social constructionism is in fact sufficiently sensitive to the embodied aspects of human life (cf. Baerveldt and Voestermans 1996; Sampson 1996).

  7. 7.

    Bourdieu’s (typically French) writing is not easy to read, not even in translation. Let us take just one more look at a description of what he means: “[…] the principle generating and unifying all practices, the system of inseparably cognitive and evaluative structures which organizes one’s vision of the world in accordance with the objective structures of a determinate state of the social world: this principle is nothing other than the socially informed body, with its tastes and distastes, its compulsions and repulsions, with, in a word, all its senses, that is to say, not only the traditional five senses – which escape the structuring action of social determinism – but also the sense of necessity and the sense of duty, the sense of direction and the sense of reality, the sense of balance and the sense of beauty, common sense and the sense of the sacred, tactical sense and the sense of responsibility, business sense and the sense of propriety, the sense of humor and the sense of absurdity, moral sense and the sense of practicality, and so on” (1977, p. 124, emphasis in original).

  8. 8.

    For the psychology of religion, coming to an understanding with these new theoretical developments will be the more fruitful since their representatives are much less averse to religion than earlier generations of psychologists tended to be. Authors such as Boesch (1983, 1991, 2000, 2005), Gergen (1993, 1994), Much and Mahapatra (1995), Obeyesekere (1985), Sampson (1996) and Scheibe (1998), while not counted – even by themselves – as practitioners of the psychology of religion, do in fact again include in their work a consideration of a variety of religious phenomena.

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Belzen, J.A. (2010). Religion as Embodiment. In: Towards Cultural Psychology of Religion. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-3491-5_9

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