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The Limitations of Good Intent: Problems of Representation and Informed Consent in the Maya ICBG Project in Chiapas, Mexico

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Book cover Indigenous Peoples, Consent and Benefit Sharing

Abstract

The Maya International Cooperative Biodiversity Group (Maya ICBG) research project began in 1998 in the central highlands of Chiapas, Mexico, in a difficult and contentious legal, social and political climate. The researchers' good intentions were that the indigenous Maya people would both contribute to the project and benefit from it. However, gaps in the way local communities were included became a focus for international resistance to the project, which was abandoned in 2001.

No single actor should bear the total responsibility for what happened to the Maya ICBG, but none is devoid of it. Through a comparison with the San- Hoodia case we discuss how parties on all sides implicitly understood ‘collaboration’ and ‘benefit sharing’, which can easily become controversial due to conflicting assumptions about how and to what extent different groups of people should benefit from the potential royalties, and who should make these decisions.

Like the San peoples, the Maya stood to receive a very small proportion of any profit that might come from the development of commercial products. These benefits, whether realized or not, are never ethically neutral, so the transparent, full and free prior informed consent of communities to accept the risk of going along this path is absolutely essential. Both cases played out in a domestic legal and policy vacuum. Questions about the legitimacy of processes and decisions emerge as fundamental.

The failure of the Maya ICBG was due largely to the lack of an appropriate prior informed consent process built on trust and adequate representation. The question of Maya identity and self-representation through forms that are ‘credible’ to outside bioprospectors is an ongoing issue. The pan-Mayan identity currently under construction in Chiapas faces similar challenges to those of the San people.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    1 For a fascinating discussion on obtaining research permits from the leaders of autonomous municipalities in Chiapas, see Simonelli and Earle 2003 (‘Yes, they're illegal. But they're legitimate’). Some commentators see the armed conflict as ‘the most important limiting factor’ for the Mayan people (Field 2006).

  2. 2.

    2 Consuelo S á nchez argues that the Mexican government attempted to destroy ethnic identity by ‘deliberately [fomenting] … the atomization of Indian peoples into fragmented communities’ (Sánchez 1999).

  3. 3.

    3 Steffan Igor Ayora Diaz (2002) questions this definition of ‘community’, to which Nigh (2002) replies.

  4. 4.

    4 Maya ICBG developed an agreement form modelled on guidelines from the US Department of Health and Human Services, the National Institutes of Health and the University of Georgia Institutional Review Board.

  5. 5.

    5 The Rural Advancement Foundation International (RAFI), the project's main international NGO opponent, also described the project as having ‘honourable intentions’ (RAFI 1999b).

  6. 6.

    6 Following the Declaration of the Alma-Ata International Conference on Primary Health Care in 1978, the Mexican government's Instituto Nacional Indigenista (National Indigenous Institute) created OMIECH, through which local healers and midwives were officially recognized as part of national health systems. However, medical staff in Mexico's national public health service never quite recognized this status. When Dr Brent Berlin and Dr Elois Ann Berlin started PROCOMITH (Programa de Colaboración sobre Medicina Indígena Tradicional y Herbolaria – Collaborative Programme in Traditional Indigenous Herbal Medicine) (Berlin et al. 1990) to promote ethnobo-tanical research in the highlands of Chiapas, they concluded collaboration agreements with the official health service and were thus seen by OMIECH as enemies.

  7. 7.

    7 According to Nigh (2002), members of COMPITCH, including OMIECH, had been developing their own proposals for research and possible commercial development of Maya medicine for many years, but these initiatives were not included in the priorities of the ICBG.

  8. 8.

    8 Lauren Naville writes: ‘Berlin admits that the plants sent to UGA prior to the ICBG-Maya project created confusion and decreased the trust between both parties. He offered to clear up the situation by sending people to check the plants at UGA to prove that they were not being used for bio-prospecting research. ECOSUR also agreed to stop any type of collections’ (Naville 2004).

  9. 9.

    9 Interestingly, WIMSA avoided using ‘San’ in their title as the name was ‘strongly disapproved of by certain southern African Governments’ (Chennells 2007).

  10. 10.

    10 ‘This assertion was angrily received by some social scientists, accustomed to unilateral research on hapless San communities’ (Chennells 2007).

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Correspondence to Dafna Feinholz-Klip .

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Feinholz-Klip, D., García Barrios, L., Cook Lucas, J. (2009). The Limitations of Good Intent: Problems of Representation and Informed Consent in the Maya ICBG Project in Chiapas, Mexico. In: Wynberg, R., Schroeder, D., Chennells, R. (eds) Indigenous Peoples, Consent and Benefit Sharing. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-3123-5_17

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