Abstract
As the Zhou feudal order began to crumble in his times, one of Confucius’ (551–479 B.C.E.) ambitions was to train a new social class of people of learning and with moral aspirations and commitment and he called these people noble scholars (shi 士). When they were properly and sufficiently trained in the various arts and classical learning, the noble scholars often tried to seek political office to restore the society that was in ritual disorder, and in this sense they were also called gentleman (junzi 君子). To Confucius, learning was not confined to books and must be translated into actual practices in everyday life and the political arena. Indeed, his own academy itself constituted a living environment where his teachings were transmitted to his disciples, who were expected to internalize and manifest them in their day-to-day interactions with one another in a fellowship that formed and shaped the earliest Confucian community. In the study of early Confucian thought, the physical environment where the real-life relationships and exchanges that took place and the teachings of the master were first practiced and eventually modified and transformed has been largely ignored. Thus it is worthwhile to examine how the earliest Confucian community was formed and how the master’s teachings were practiced and tested before we discuss the philosophy of Confucius’ disciples.
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Notes
- 1.
The term kongmen first appeared in Xiao Zixian 1972: juan 39, 2:686. Xiao lived in South China, but around the same time when he was composing his historical work, another historian in North China Wei Shou 魏收 (506–572) was completing his own, in which he also used the term kongmen. See Wei Shou 1974 juan 84, 5:1850. It is possible that the term was coined to mark the uniqueness of the Confucian tradition vis-à-vis Buddhism and Daoism, which had been gaining considerable currency since the third century. At the same time, the term rumen 儒門 (literally, “Confucian gate”) was also in wide circulation even though its first use dates back to the first century during the Eastern Han dynasty. See Liu Pansui 1958: juan 13, 1:281, and juan 30, 2:590.
- 2.
Since the Song (960–1276) period, the term was often used in contradistinction to Daoism and Buddhism, and thus carried a ring of ideology with it.
- 3.
Bao Xian was invited by Emperor Guangwu of Eastern Han to tutor the heir-apparent on the Analects, and while in this capacity Bao wrote a zhangju 章句 commentary on the work. The commentary was sanctioned by the government and accepted as one of the official commentaries on the Analects. It was later incorporated into He Yan’s 何晏 (190–249) Lunyu jijie 論語集解 (Collected Commentaries on the Analects) in the early third century.
- 4.
For a detailed study of the interpretations of the term peng from the Han to the Qing periods, see Lo 2008.
- 5.
For most China scholars, the most common term for “classmates” actually is “tongxue” (同學, literally, people who study together), yet it was not coined until around the first century. See Ban Gu 班固 2002: juan 78, 10:3271.
- 6.
The term menren appears five times in three different chapters in the Analects. See Analects 4.15, 7.29, 11.11 (twice) and 11.15. Sometimes, the term mendizi 門弟子 was also used to refer to the disciples (Analects 8.3, 9.2). Interestingly, both menren and mendizi were used to refer to the second-generation disciples of Confucius as well (Analects 19.3, 8.3). References to the Analects are based on D.C. Lau and Chen Fong Ching 1995.
- 7.
Huang Kan 1991: 1.4. Huang Kan’s gloss of peng as dang actually was based on at least two Han sources: Xu Shen’s 許慎 (fl. second century) Shuowen jiezi 說文解字 (Preface dated 121) and Ban Gu’s 班固 (32–92) Baihu tong 白虎通. For the citation on Shuowen, see Duan Yucai 1974: 150. For Baihu tong, see Chen Li 陳立 1994: juan 8, 1:376.
- 8.
The term shimen began to appear for the first time in the first century during the early years of the Eastern Han – exactly the same time when Bao Xian wrote his commentary on the Analects.
- 9.
The Analects records that Confucius queried his son on the Odes on one occasion. See Analects 17.10.
- 10.
Confucius expected his students to tell him about the other three corners of a table when they were shown one. See Analects 7.8. Yan Hui evidently had more than lived up to such expectation.
- 11.
In the case of Yan Hui, being a native of Lu, it is also possible that he lived in his own place, which would not be far away from the home of Confucius, since the Analects mentions, in particular, the miserable condition of Yan Hui’s dwelling. As Yan Hui’s misery was unique, the Analects could not be referring to the communal setting of the Confucian dormitory.
- 12.
On another occasion, a friend of Confucius named Qu Boyu 蘧伯玉 also sent a messenger to deliver his greetings to the master, and the conversation between the host and the guest was recorded in Analects 14.25. It seems evident that some of the disciples were, again, around when the conversation took place. In fact, in Analects 14.44, a young disciple of Confucius did serve as an attendant to receive guests in the master’s household.
- 13.
Confucius appears to comment, at least occasionally, on the individual strengths and weaknesses of his disciples. See, for instance, Analects 11.18. More detailed discussion follows below.
- 14.
Sima Qian also placed the biography of Confucius among those of the Hereditary Houses, which were reserved for feudal vassals and no other pre-Qin thinker or teacher was treated with the same honor.
- 15.
Whether Sima Qian’s figure was accurate, it seems that the total number of students who had studied with Confucius was significantly large.
- 16.
See the “Qishier dizi jie” 七十二弟子解 chapter. Even though the chapter and its title explicitly say 72 disciples, 76 names are actually mentioned in the text.
- 17.
More disciples could still be identified and so far at least 102 names are confirmed. See Zhang Rujiao 2007: 21–72. It should be noted that only 27 or so of these disciples were mentioned in the Analects.
- 18.
Confucius also purified himself before he sought audience with the Duke of Lu. See Analects 14.21.
- 19.
Yan Hui’s father Yan Lu 顏路 was only 6 years younger than Confucius and Zilu was 9 years his master’s junior. See Takigawa, Shiki kaichū kōshō, juan 67, p. 863 and p. 856.
- 20.
Nangong Jingshu 南宮敬叔 (Analects 14.5) and Sima Niu 司馬牛 (Analects 12.3) were noblemen.
- 21.
See Chen Qiyou 1984: juan 4, 1:205. Yan Zhuoju came from Liangfu 梁父 in the state of Lu and eventually became an official in the state of Qi 齊. He was also known as Yan Zhuozou 顏涿鄒 and was mentioned in Sima Qian’s biography of Confucius’ disciples. See Shiji, juan 17, p. 743.
- 22.
It is probable that there were young maids working in the household of Confucius. See Analects 17.25 and Lao 2007: 1310163.
- 23.
Perhaps Yan Hui and Min Ziqian 閔子騫 (536-? B.C.E.) were exceptions but their unusual aspirations simply proved the rule. We learn that Min Ziqian was even compelled to flee when an official post was repeatedly offered to him (Analects 6.9). Yan Hui and Min Ziqian were both exemplary students in terms of moral cultivation, and the latter was particularly noted for his filial devotion. Yet, evidently, Min Ziqian was also cut for a political career. See Analects 11.3, and 11.5.
- 24.
See Hanshi waizhuan 韓詩外傳, juan 9. For an English translation, see Hightower 1952: 303–304. Yan Hui was known to be of a quiet type and he hardly spoke in the Analects, and the only question he had ever asked Confucius was about governance. See Analects 15.11.
- 25.
After Confucius died, feudal vassals continued to come to seek advice from his disciples before they made an offer to a potential candidate for an official post. See Analects 19.19 (in this case it was a second-generation disciple).
- 26.
For instance, see Analects 3.1, 3.2, 3.10.
- 27.
Confucius admitted that he had never had the privilege to see a sage and that he would be glad as long as he could see a true gentleman. See Analects 7.26.
- 28.
It seems common for the disciples to help each other out when they had difficulty in learning. See, for instance, Analects 12.22, where Fan Chi 樊遲 (505/515-?), who being puzzled about Confucius’ answer on the meaning of humaneness, asked his classmate Zixia specifically on the very issue. See also Analects 7.5.
- 29.
Zilu once recommended his classmate Zigao 子羔 to be the Governor of Bi 費. Even though Confucius did not think Zigao was ready for the appointment and thus found Zilu’s recommendation ill-advised, nevertheless, this does not detract from Zilu’s kind-heartedness and caring for his classmate. See Analects 11.25.
- 30.
Shiji, juan 47, pp. 734–736, pp. 739–740.
- 31.
Zigong was good at business speculation, and apparently he was wealthy in the Confucian community. He himself seemed to be quite aware of his wealthy status (Analects 1.15). He also seemed to be recognized as one of the esteemed seniors among the disciples. His opinion was often consulted when doubts and concerns arose (Analects 1.10, 19.25).
- 32.
The fact Confucius referred to Yan Hui’s poverty suggests that his beloved disciple might fail to inspire respect owing to his financial straits.
- 33.
When Yan Hui died, Confucius was so saddened that he exclaimed, “Alas! Heaven has made me bereft! Heaven has made me bereft!” The master indeed was weeping and was not aware of his unusual outpour of sorrow, and when his disciples reminded him that he was showing undue sorrow, he simply replied, “Am I?” See Analects 11.9, 11.10.
- 34.
When another disciple Sima Niu was sick, Confucius visited him and, holding his disciple’s hand, he said, “We are going to lose him. It must be destiny. Alas! Such a man is afflicted with such a disease! Such a man is afflicted with such a disease!” Like Yan Hui, Sima Niu was also known for his moral virtues but Confucius’ reaction to his serious illness, albeit heart-broken, was within reasonable limits, at least in the eyes of his disciples. See Analects 6.10.
- 35.
It should be pointed out that Confucius also preferred grief to formality in funerals. See Analects 3.4.
- 36.
As mentioned above, Confucius referred to his academy as “Qiu’s gate” and he measured the achievements of his disciples by pinpointing their relative positions in his household (Zigong, for instance, had ascended to the hall but yet to enter into the chamber), in this sense his disciples were considered members of his physical family and were indeed addressed as “sons and younger brothers” (dizi 弟子). In light of this, Confucius’ teaching was a family doctrine and a work entitled Kongzi jiayu (Family Sayings of Confucius) that consists of dialogues between Confucius and his disciples very much similar to the Analects is still extant today. For a discussion of the Kongzi jiayu, see R. P. Kramers, “K’ung tzu chia yü” in Michael Loewe 1993: 258–262.
- 37.
Zengzi 曾子 in 18 chapters (pian 篇); Qidiaozi 漆雕子 in 13 chapters; Mizi 宓子in 16 chapters; (Jingzi 景子 in 13 chapters; Ban Gu’s note says “it contains Mizi’s sayings and Jingzi appears to be his disciple.” 6.1724); Shizi 世子 in 21 chapters (Ban Gu’s note says “Shizi’s name was Shuo 碩, and he was a second-generation disciple and came from the state of Chen; Li Ke 李克 in seven chapters (Zixia’s disciples, minister to Marquis Wen of Wei 魏文侯); and Gongsunnizi 剬孫尼子 in 28 chapters (second-generation disciple).
- 38.
If Yan shi indeed refers to Yan Hui, it must be a later attribution by his disciples to acknowledge the origin of their new doctrine because Yan Hui died before Confucius did, so he probably would not have started his own lineage of teaching while the master was still alive. Given that Yan Hui tried to emulate the master in every possible way, it is not likely that he would start his own line of teaching in the first place.
- 39.
Ban Gu in his own annotation to the work of Shizi says, “[Shizi], named Shuo, he was a native of Chen and a disciple of [one of] the 70 disciples of Confucius.”
- 40.
According to Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513), the “Yueji” 樂記 chapter of the Liji 禮記 actually came from the hands of Gongsun Nizi. The “Yueji” chapter does contain explicit references to human nature.
- 41.
Lao Yueqiang, “Shan e guan yiwai de Kongzi xing lun—yige sixiangshi de kaocha” in Zheng 2009: 73–124.
- 42.
- 43.
Confucius enthusiastically commended Yan Hui as the only disciple who, like himself, would come out when employed and would hide when denied to serve (Analects 7.11). The wisdom to decide when to come out and when to hide no doubt was implied. Hence, it was a matter of choice that Yan Hui lived in poverty. Confucius also said on a separate occasion, “Poverty and humble station are what people hate, but if one gets them the right way, one will not leave them. If the gentleman abandons humaneness, how could he be considered one of such name? The gentleman never abandons humaneness for the moment it takes to finish a meal…” (Analects 4.5). Yan Hui no doubt fits the description of such a gentleman.
- 44.
Ran Yong (style Zhonggong), along with Yan Hui, was also regarded one of the most accomplished in moral cultivation (Analects 11.3), but Confucius did not think he had achieved humaneness (Analects 5.5; cf. Analects 5.8).
- 45.
Later, Mencius would make the same identification. See Mencius 6A11.
- 46.
In contrast, Zilu’s replies to the same questions are: The wise person causes other people to know him and the humane person causes other people to love him. Similarly, Zigong’s replies are: The wise person knows other people and the humane person loves other people. Both disciples focus on others rather than one’s own self.
- 47.
In the early commentary on Analects 14.24 that is extant today, the Han-dynasty exegete Kong Anguo 孔安國 said, “For the sake of one’s own sake means one embodies the Way and practices what one learns while for the sake of others means one can only talk about what one learns.” Huang 1991: 2.511. Clearly, the distinction between the two types of learning is amoral. The moralistic reading begins with Cheng Yi 程頤 (1033–1107). See Zhu 2001: 155.
- 48.
It should be noted that Confucius did not classify his teaching into learning for one’s sake and learning for others’ sake. Nor did he separate the four areas of learning into formal disciplinary categories. It is rather the learner’s ambition that could make such a distinction.
- 49.
Analects 1.8, 4.7, 5.27, 6.3, 7.17, 7.31, 14.25, 15.30, and 19.8.
- 50.
Whether Confucius actually studied the Book of Changes may be still controversial to some, but this does not alter the fact that even as Confucius was approaching to age 50 when he would “know heaven’s mandate” 知天命 (Analects 2.4), he was still very much concerned with avoiding mistakes.
- 51.
Analects 5.19, 6.26, 6.30, 12.1, 12.2, 12.3, 12.22, 15.10, and 17.6. While it is not clear if Yan Hui also asked specifically about the political implications of humaneness, Confucius did refer to it explicitly in his reply. The difference between Yan Hui and these other disciples is that he was the only one who went on to seek advice on how to cultivate humaneness personally after being given an answer on the political significance of the virtue.
- 52.
To another accomplished disciple Zigong, who was just interested in seeking Confucius’ confirmation of his understanding of humaneness, the master told him only a general principle of cultivating humaneness after pointing out his mistake. See Analects 6.30.
- 53.
Youruo said, “The beauty of the way of the ancient kings lies in the rites. All matters, great and small, were observed in accordance with them” (Analects 1.12).
- 54.
Confucius himself proclaimed this pedagogy in Analects 6.27 (repeated in 12.15).
- 55.
This is a theorization of the rites and it is no coincidence that it came from a later disciple who excelled in literary culture. It is quite possible that Yan Hui would agree to it.
- 56.
According to the Zhuangzi, when Confucius asked him to serve in the government, Yan Hui replied that “the Way that I am learning from the master is sufficient to give me joy.” See “Rang wang” 讓王 Chapter, in Guo 1985: 4:978.
- 57.
Zixia was known for his cultivation of courage. According to Mencius, his method was similar to Beigong You 北宮黝 in that they never showed submission on their face or let anyone outstare them. See Mencius 2A2. Zixia himself describes his kind of courage in the Hanshi waizhuan. See Hightower 1952: 213. It was also known that Zixia had a battle in his heart between what to pursue: the joy of wealth and high station and the joy of the Way taught by Confucius. See Sima Qian, “Li shu” in Li and Wang 1991: 499.
- 58.
But Zizhang was not interested in politics merely for personal gains; he actually warned against pursing profit at the expense of what is right (Analects 19.1). Ultimately, it appears that he was concerned about larger issues of cultural and political order. (Analects 2.23).
- 59.
Zixia was actually warned by Confucius not to be a petty scholar (xiaoren ru 小人儒) and to aspire to be a noble one (junzi ru 君子儒) [Analects 6.13].
- 60.
In the Great Learning (Daxue 大學), in a discussion of chengyi 誠意 (sincerity of intention) where the idea of being watchful when one is alone, Zengzi was quoted to say, “With ten eyes looking at you and ten hands pointing at [you], isn’t fearsome?”
- 61.
- 62.
In Analects 12.24, Zengzi said, “The gentleman makes friends by being cultivated in literature and cultivates humaneness with the support of his friends.” He addressed the nature and significance of friendship.
- 63.
- 64.
Analects 2.5, 2.6, 2.7, and 2.8.
- 65.
Wang 1983: 82. Confucius, in answering the later disciple Ziyou on filial devotion, said that if one does not feed one’s parents with reverence, one is treating them much like one would feed dogs and horses (Analects 2.7).
- 66.
Chapter 7 of the Classic of Filial Devotion says, ‘Filial devotion is the cord [that binds] heaven, the proper standard for earth, and the conduct that people observe” (孝, 天之經也, 地之義也, 民之行也).
- 67.
Other unfilial mundane behaviors include climbing the mountains, treading on dangerous areas, laughing casually, getting angry wilfully. See Wang 1983: 79.
- 68.
Zengzi said this was what he had heard from Confucius. In the opening chapter of the Xiaojing, Confucius was reported to have said to Zengzi, “Our physical body and limbs as well as our hair and skin are given by our parents; we dare not subject them to any injury.”
- 69.
Once, Zengzi cut off the roots of the gourds by accident while he was weeding in the field, and his father Zeng Xi, himself also a disciple of Confucius, was infuriated. In a fit of anger he struck Zengzi with a huge staff and the son fell down and lost consciousness. After a while, Zengzi came to and he asked his father if he hurt himself since he struck him so hard. He then went back to his room and began to play the zither so that his father could hear him play and thought he was fine. When Confucius heard about this, he was angry and refused to see Zengzi. See Yang 2005: 188–189. It should also be pointed out that after Zeng Xi died when Zengzi was 31 years of age, he could not help but weep every time he read the book on mourning rites. See Shizi 尸子 (a work of the Warring States period), quoted in Ouyang 1982: 623. Zengzi also could not bring himself to eat jujubes as it was his father’s favorite food. See Mencius 7B36.
- 70.
It should be noted that Zengzi sometimes uses the term zhong 忠 in the sense of reverence (jing 敬) and considers it to be the root of filial devotion (xiao zhi ben 孝之本). See Wang 1983: 79.
- 71.
- 72.
For a discussion of the text, see James R. Hightower, “Han shi wai chuan” in Loewe ed., Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, 1993: 125–128.
- 73.
- 74.
Confucius himself also applauded the sage-king’s rulership, which he also characterized as ruling by non-interference (wuwei). See Analects 15.5.
- 75.
In fact, Confucius himself praised Mi Zijian as a gentleman as well (Analects 5.3).
- 76.
Hanshi wai zhuan, in Li and Wang 1991: 688. It is possible that Mi Zijian was intending a double meaning with the pun word guan, which can mean both “organ” and “officer” here. When he rested his four limbs, preserved his sight and hearing, kept his mind and spirit quiet, his various organs would be in order accordingly. Due to its charismatic and moral influence, his subordinates and officers would also be functioning as they should.
- 77.
See “Shenwei” Chapter, in Yan and Zhong 2000: 75. As mentioned earlier, Mi Zijian entertained the view that human nature contains both good and evil. One may wonder if his analysis of the inclination of the Lu people to reap other people’s harvest when an imminent battle made it convenient and possible does not actually reflect his view of human nature.
- 78.
See Lüshi chunqiu, “Jubei” Chapter, in Li and Wang 1991: 687.
- 79.
See “Guji liezhuan” in Li and Wang 1991: 690.
- 80.
See “Daoyin xun” Chapter, in Li and Wang 1991: 689.
- 81.
When Yuan Xian asked about shame, Confucius told him, “When the Way prevails in the state, serve. When the Way falls into disuse in the state, it is shameful to serve.” See Analects 14.1.
- 82.
“Rang wang” Chapter in Li and Wang 1991: 700.
- 83.
Hanshi waizhuan and Liu Xiang’s 劉向 Xin xu 新序, in Li and Wang 1991: 701 and 704, respectively.
- 84.
Kongcongzi 孔叢子, “Jie Mo” 詰墨 Chapter, in Li and Wang 1991: 769. According to Han Fei, the followers of Qidiao “never show submission on their face or let anyone outstare them. When their behavior is not straight, even if they face a captive, they would avoid him. When their behavior is straight, even if they face a feudal lord, they would reprimand him.” See Chen 1974: 2:1085. For study of Qidiao “school,” see Meng Wentong, “Qidiao zhi ru kao” in Meng 2006: 152–156.
References
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Lo, Y.K. (2014). The Philosophy of Confucius’ Disciples. In: Shen, V. (eds) Dao Companion to Classical Confucian Philosophy. Dao Companions to Chinese Philosophy, vol 3. Springer, Dordrecht. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-90-481-2936-2_4
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