Abstract
This chapter analyzes the channels through which WOs, NGOs, donors, and international conventions influenced the Bangladesh government to enact the reform of 1997 and the extent of their influence. This chapter argues that WOs played an important role in furthering women’s issues. In the absence of formal scope for exerting direct influence, WOs exerted indirect influence on the Government. It is also argued that only few NGOs implemented some projects in which they tried to build awareness among women. This is why they did not exert direct influence on the Government during law making. However, they encouraged their other group members to cast their votes in favor of their group members. It is also argued that the donors failed to exert any direct influence in this regard, despite normally having enormous influence in national policy making. However, they supported the government in implementing capacity-building programs for women and encouraged NGOs to carry our projects for women. On the other hand, several international conventions including the Plan for Action of the Beijing conference had left enough impact on the government to think about the issue. This claim seems to have strong ground, since the Government of Bangladesh attended all conferences on women and ratified several declarations that reflected the government’s intention to ensure the welfare of women.
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- 1.
It is important to mention here that WOs in Bangladesh are mostly voluntary organizations.
- 2.
Roquia Sakhawat Hussain, popularly known as Begum Rokeya in Bangladesh, was a pioneer of the women’s liberation movement in South Asia. She was the founder of the Anjuman-e-Khateen-e-Islam (Islamic Women’s Association) during the colonial era. She established a school for Muslim girls in Kolkata in the early 1900s, and went from door to door to approach eminent Muslim families to send their daughters to school so that ordinary people of the Muslim community would do the same. She advocated for women’s economic rights, and educational, and personal as well as social liberation. For her, women’s liberation was a comprehensive issue of personal, social, cultural, and political freedom. See information on Begum (1880–1932), at http://www.marxists.org/glossary/people/b/e.htm, accessed on: February 25, 2013. Kamal (n.d.) in her writing on Begum Rokeya, argued that feminist thinking did not emerge exclusively from the West; rather, the women of this region under the leadership of Begum Rokeya initiated the process of feminist thinking at least a 100 years ago. She further stated that the women of this region “looked for alternatives for their life not in terms of conventional male-dominated concepts of individual and social life, rather very much from the point of view of the women themselves.”
- 3.
Among these organizations, some of the prominent were Bangladesh Mahila Parishad (BMP), Women for Women, Bangladesh Jatiya Mahila Sangstha (BJMS), and Naripokkho.
- 4.
“Article 2 stipulated that existing institutional structures such as the legal and judicial system as well as social norms and practices should be modified in conformity with the provisions of the document. Article 13(a) laid down the principle whereby women would have equal opportunities to take out loans and mortgages, negotiate contracts, and participate in sports and cultural activities. Article 16 provided for equal rights and responsibilities for women in relation to the family” (Murshid 2004, 127).
- 5.
In the 17-point demand, the prominent ones were demands for equal rights, ratification of the CEDAW without any reservations, uniform civil code, increase of quota in the civil service, equal pay for female garment workers, implementation of the International Labor Organization legal rights like maternity leave with pay and other facilities, employment opportunities for landless and urban destitute women, and minimum pay for domestic helpers (Choudhury 2000).
- 6.
The 8th Amendment Act which was passed on 7 June 1988 amended Articles 2, 3, 5, 30, and 100 of the Constitution. This Amendment Act (i) declared Islam as the state religion; (ii) decentralized the judiciary by setting up six permanent benches of the high court division outside Dhaka; (iii) amended the word ‘Bengali’ into ‘Bangla’ and ‘Dacca’ into ‘Dhaka’ in Article 5 of the Constitution; (iv) amended Article 30 of the constitution by prohibiting acceptance of any title, honors, award, or decoration from any foreign State by any citizen of Bangladesh without the prior approval of the president (Constitution of People’s Republic of Bangladesh 2004).
- 7.
Issues concerning women include rape, dowry, violence, domestic abuse, and trafficking.
- 8.
After independence in 1971, a parliamentary form of democracy was established in the country and continued until 1975 when the democratically elected prime minister of Bangladesh, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, was assassinated, with most of his family members, by a military group. From 1975 to 1990, the country remained under military rule of different types. In 1990, a mass upsurge overthrew the then military dictator (Hussain Muhammad Ershad), and the country returned to the path of democracy until 2006. From January 11, 2007 to January 5, 2009, the country remained under a peculiar kind of rule called a “military-backed caretaker government.”
- 9.
Author’s interviews with the majority of respondents from WOs, 2007.
- 10.
Author’s interviews with a group of respondents from WOs, 2007.
- 11.
Author’s interviews with a member of the governing body, Naripokkho, 2007.
- 12.
Author’s interviews with a group of respondents from WOs, 2007.
- 13.
Formal channels refer to the representation of WOs in government-sponsored committees where decisions on women’s issues are made.
- 14.
Author’s interviews with a group of respondents from WOs, 2007.
- 15.
Author’s interviews with a respondent from a women organization, 2007.
- 16.
Author’s interviews with the majority of respondents from WOs, 2007.
- 17.
Author’s interviews with a top leader from AL, Dhaka, 2007.
- 18.
Author’s interviews with the majority of respondents from WOs, 2007.
- 19.
Author’s interviews with an academician and renowned women activist of the country, 2007.
- 20.
Yasmin, a 14-year-old girl, worked as a domestic helper in Dhaka. She was picked up by three policemen in their patrol car as she was on her way to her mother’s house in Dinajpur district. The police officers assured Yasmin that she would be able to reach home safely. Instead, they brutally raped and strangled her, and dumped her body by the roadside. The next morning, her body was recovered by villagers who then reported it to the police station. In the meantime, it was found that Yasmin was escorted by those three policemen the night before. The public suspected that she was raped and murdered by the policemen. The situation went beyond the control of law enforcement agencies since a full-scale judicial inquiry was demanded by the agitated public. Despite all-out efforts of the police administration to fabricate the story by labeling Yasmin a prostitute, the situation went beyond their control very shortly when a mass protest and demonstration, supported by women’s groups, was arranged, and some people threw stones at the police station. In response, the police opened fire which ultimately killed eight persons and injured more. The nation was shocked since the prime minister had gone out of the country to attend a conference in Beijing without solving the problem (Zaman 1999).
- 21.
These statutes were (i) the Termination of the Pregnancy Act of 1996 that offered women access to abortion on broader and more favorable terms than in the past, (ii) the Domestic Violence Act of 1998 that provides protection against abuse for people who are in domestic relationships of various kinds, and (iii) the Maintenance Act of 1998 which substantially improves the position of women dependent on maintenance from former partners (Basu 2003, 43–44).
- 22.
An assertion on the exact number of NGOs in Bangladesh is very difficult to make since these organizations are not registered under one particular authority. Many of these organizations even operate without any registration at the central level. Approximately 45,000 NGOs have taken their registration from the Ministry of Social Welfare. However, as potential recipients of foreign funds, 1,882 NGOs had been given registration by the NGO Affairs Bureau (NGOAB) till 2004 (World Bank 2006).
- 23.
These NGOs are Proshika, Steps Towards Development, Caritas, and others.
- 24.
Author’s interviews with the majority of the respondents from NGOs, 2007.
- 25.
Author’s interviews with a group of respondents from NGOs, 2007.
- 26.
ADAB was the leading umbrella organization of NGOs in Bangladesh.
- 27.
In 1996, a political crisis occurred in Bangladesh, when all the opposition political parties boycotted the parliamentary election, raising the demand for a free, fair, impartial, and credible election under a “nonpartisan caretaker government.” Ignoring the opposition’s demand, the government decided to go for an election, which was only contested by the candidates of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). However, the government lasted only for 15 days, as continuous mass movements compelled it to promulgate an Act on a “nonpartisan caretaker government” and resign from power.
- 28.
Different forms of confrontations that occurred included burning down NGOs’ schools, attacks on staff and members, and going on house-to-house searches to seize books and publications (Hashemi 1995).
- 29.
Author’s interviews with the majority of respondents from NGOs, 2007.
- 30.
Information was collected from a top-level official from BRAC.
- 31.
Author’s interviews with a respondent from ASA, 2007.
- 32.
Author’s interviews with a respondent from Grameen Bank, 2007.
- 33.
Author’s interviews with a respondent from Steps Towards Development, 2007.
- 34.
Samitis are cooperative organizations.
- 35.
People’s Organization Building Program, Proshika, available online at http://www.proshika.org.bd/pob_n.htm, accessed on 23/03/2008.
- 36.
Author’s interviews with the executive director of Caritas, 2007.
- 37.
It has been widely alleged that some NGOs in Bangladesh were involved in national politics government (2001–2006) identified some NGOs that were involved in AL politics and harassed them in different ways. Some of the badly affected NGOs during that regime were Proshika, PRIP Trust, and Bangladesh Nari Progoti Sangha (BNPS). Soon after the 2001 elections, authorities blocked the donor funds for Proshika and placed the organization under investigation for alleged financial irregularities. However, there were serious concerns about the investigation’s lack of transparency. The donors expressed their concern to the Government that they saw no grounds for blocking the NGO’s entire program while the investigation was underway, as this would cut off thousands of people from benefitting from the assistance provided by the donors. However, the NGO’s funds remained blocked. The authorities not only blocked the funds but also harassed the high officials of the organization in different ways. PRIP Trust, an NGO working to “facilitate the growth of the human and institutional potential of the development actors in civil society, government, and the business sectors” was also a target of harassment by the BNP government. It was also accused of being involved in political activity outside its function as an NGO. Its funds were frozen and subjected to a series of investigations by one agency after another that went through their entire files and records each time. The government was not able to substantiate its allegation of PRIP Trust being involved in political activity, and the allegations of mismanagement of funds was not corroborated through the independent audit of its records by a number of donor agencies. Other NGOs faced similar harassment, including the BNPS, a rights-based organization that works with the women’s movement against violence and promotes socioeconomic and political empowerment of women (information was collected from the various reports of Amnesty International Canada available at www.amnesty.ca).
- 38.
Author’s interviews with a respondent from NGOs, 2007.
- 39.
The gross domestic product (GDP) of the country in 2000 was estimated at $48 billion at 1995 prices, which was almost equal to Bill Gates’ (owner of Microsoft) current personal assets of $40 billion. It is really unfortunate to think that the wealth of a nation with a population of almost 150 million is equal to the wealth of just one man. The growth in real per capita income of Bangladesh was not much above zero during the periods 1949–1950 and 1976–1977. The per capita income did not increase since the annual rate of growth in GDP was 2.7 % in this period as compared to the rate of population growth at 2.6 %. The present economic situation is also not encouraging. The GDP growth rate was 5 % from 1991 to 2000. The annual population growth rate is 1.5 %, while malnutrition and maternal mortality rates are still among the highest in the world. The present national poverty rate is 35.6 % in which 77.8 % of the total population lives on $2 a day. The richest 20 % of the population earns 42.8 % of the total income, which is indicative of the widening gap between the rich and the poor (Jamil 2007).
- 40.
The Local Consultative Groups (LCG) is a forum for development dialogue and donor coordination. It comprises 32 bilateral and multilateral donors and the secretary of the Economic Relations Division (ERD) of the Government of Bangladesh.
- 41.
Author’s interviews with the donor agencies, July 2007.
- 42.
Author’s interviews with a respondent from USAID, July 2007.
- 43.
Author’s interviews with a respondent from UNDP, July 2007.
- 44.
Author’s interviews with an official from UNDP, July 2007.
- 45.
Opinion expressed by a high official from UNDP; author’s interviews, July 2007.
- 46.
Opinion expressed by a respondent from USAID; author’s interviews, July 2007.
- 47.
Summary of opinion expressed by the officials from UNDP and USAID; Author’s interviews, July 2007.
- 48.
Author’s interviews with an official from USAID, July 2007.
- 49.
Author’s interview with a UNDP official, July 2007.
- 50.
Author’s interview with a USAID official, July 2007.
- 51.
The case was discussed during author’s interviews with a UNDP official, July 2007.
- 52.
Author’s interviews with a USAID official, July 2007.
- 53.
ADB’s Regional Assistance Project 6008 entitled “Gender and Governance Issues in Local Government in Bangladesh, Nepal, and Pakistan” was implemented for over 18 months from July 2002 to February 2008 and was jointly funded by ADB, the Japan Special Fund, and the Canadian International Development Agency. In Bangladesh, the project was implemented by two NGOs (BRAC and Sushilan) that were responsible for building the capacity of 16 upazilas, 1 municipality, and 141 UPs in the district of Khulna, Bagerhat, Jessor, and Sathkhira. A total of 451 women representatives participated in the project (ADB 2004).
- 54.
The Bangladesh Development Forum provides the donor community an opportunity to hear the Government’s development priorities and learn about Bangladesh’s future strategic directions. Like all other development forums in the region, no pledges of financial assistance are made in this forum.
- 55.
The member countries prepare the Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSP) through a participatory process that involves domestic stakeholders as well as external development partners including the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. The PRSPs, which are updated every 3 years through annual progress reports, describe the country’s macroeconomic, structural, and social policies and programs over a 3-year or longer horizon to promote broad-based growth and reduce poverty, as well as the associated external financing needs and major sources of financing. Interim PRSPs (I-PRSPs) summarize the current knowledge and analysis of the country’s poverty situation, describe the existing poverty reduction strategy, and lay out the process for producing a fully developed PRSP in a participatory fashion.
- 56.
Author’s interviews with a USAID higher official, July 2007.
- 57.
The Democratic Local Governance Program (DLGP) is a USAID-funded project designed to increase the efficiency and transparency of selected rural and urban local governments in the northwest and southwest areas of Bangladesh. In addition, the program works to advance the legal and functional independence of two local government associations (BUPF and MAB) founded to represent the interests of rural and urban local governments, respectively. The program is implemented by RTI International, a North Carolina, US-based nonprofit international organization. The DLGP is working with 85 local governments—15 municipalities and 70 union parishads—to create more efficient, more independent, and more responsive local institutions (Increasing Transparent and Accountable Governance in Bangladesh, available online at http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/pdacp655.pdf, accessed on May 13, 2013).
- 58.
The BUPF is an association of UPs or rural local governments, while the MAB represents the pourashavas or the municipalities or urban local governments. These associations were created with the support of the DLGP’s predecessor to oppose further erosion of the authority of urban and rural governments by an expanding central state. Both associations now face serious challenges in achieving sustainability and decreasing their almost total dependence on foreign assistance.
- 59.
Author’s interviews with a high official from USAID, Bangladesh, July 2007.
- 60.
Author’s interviews with a respondent from USAID, Bangladesh, July 2007.
- 61.
The Sirajganj Local Governance Development Fund Project (SLGDP), which was jointly funded by the UNDP and the UNCDF, and implemented by the Local Government Division of the Ministry of Local Government Rural Development and Cooperatives of the Bangladesh government, began in July 2000 with an estimated completion date of December 2005. The project aimed at promoting decentralized participatory planning and local governance in Bangladesh. (New Age, 20/09/2007).
- 62.
Opinion expressed by a respondent from UNDP. Author’s interviews, Dhaka 2007.
- 63.
These 12 areas of concern include (i) the persistence and increasing burden of poverty on women, (ii) inequalities and unequal access to education and training, (iii) inequalities and unequal access to health care and related services, (iv) violence against women, (v) inequality in economic structures and policies in all forms of productive activities and in access to resources, (vi) inequality between men and women in sharing of power and decision making at all levels, (vii) the effects of armed or other kinds of conflict on women, including those living under foreign occupation, (viii) insufficient mechanisms at all levels to promote the advancement of women, (ix) lack of respect for and inadequate promotion and protection of the human rights of women, (x) stereotyping of women and inequality in women’s access to and participation in all communication systems, especially in the media, (xi) gender inequalities in the management of natural resources and in the safeguarding of the environment, and (xii) persistent discrimination against and violence of the rights of the girl child (Huq et al. 1997, pp. 55–56).
- 64.
Author’s interviews with top-level AL leaders, 2007.
- 65.
Author’s interviews with five top-level AL leaders, 2007.
- 66.
Author’s interviews, Dhaka 2007.
- 67.
Initially, there have been reservations on at least four articles including 2, 13 (a), 16(1)(c), and 16(1)(f) (The World Bank 2008, p. 27).
- 68.
One of the possible interpretations of this reservation is that the Government of Bangladesh considered the sentiment of the majority of Muslims, guided by the Shariah laws, which do not accept the equal rights of women and men in the family domain and in property sharing. No one in the Government of Bangladesh wanted to contradict these views by ratifying those Articles. This reflects the Government’s conservative approach toward women. From another perspective, it can be said that decision of the Government was governed by political gain rather than the welfare of women.
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Panday, P.K. (2013). Other Players in the Reform Process: Accessing and Assessing Influence. In: Women’s Political Participation in Bangladesh. Springer, India. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-81-322-1272-0_5
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