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Violence, Forced Migration, and Population Policies During and After the Balkan Wars (1912–14)

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The Balkan Wars from Contemporary Perception to Historic Memory

Abstract

Violence, forced migration, and government efforts to establish new pillars of population policies during and after the Balkan Wars affected large territories of the Balkan region. The essay demonstrates the interconnectedness and interactions among these elements, discussing the transfer and transformation of violence through to 1914, from “hard violence”—especially evident in times of war—to those of “soft violence” that emerged in the postwar period and became embedded in population policies with special regard to the Muslims and the Ottoman Empire. Therefore, the author blends violence and demographic upheaval in the region, arguing that violence, migration, and population policy must be linked to understand how the scope of action changed in the Balkans from the prewar period through to 1914.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Richard C. Hall, The Balkan Wars 1912–1913: Prelude to the First World War (London: Routledge, 2000), 136.

  2. 2.

    Elisabeth Kontogiorgi, Population Exchange in Greek Macedonia: The Rural Settlement of Refugees 1922–1930 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 37. She refers specifically to Macedonia.

  3. 3.

    See Nikolaus Buschmann and Horst Carl, “Zugänge zur Erfahrungsgeschichte des Krieges. Forschung, Theorie, Fragestellung,” in idem, eds., Die Erfahrung des Krieges. Erfahrungsgeschichtliche Perspektiven von der Französischen Revolution bis zum Zweiten Weltkrieg (Paderborn: Schöningh, 2001), 11–26, 18.

  4. 4.

    Reinhart Koselleck, Futures Past: On the Semantics of Historical Time (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 259.

  5. 5.

    See, with an introduction to the field of violence, Wolfgang Höpken, “Gewalt auf dem Balkan. Erklärungsversuche zwischen ‘Struktur’ und ‘Kultur,’” in Wolfgang Höpken and Michael Riekenberg, eds., Politische und ethnische Gewalt in Südosteuropa und Lateinamerika (Cologne: Böhlau, 2001), 53–95, 55.

  6. 6.

    Cf. Philipp Ther, Die dunkle Seite der Nationalstaaten. “Ethnische Säuberungen” im modernen Europa (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011); Holm Sundhaussen, “Forced Ethnic Migration,” European History Online (EGO), http://www.ieg-ego.eu/sundhaussenh-2010-en, accessed July 11, 2016; and Norman Naimark, “Ethnic Cleansing,” in Online Encyclopedia of Mass Violence, http://www.sciencespo.fr/mass-violence-war-massacre-resistance/en/document/ethnic-cleansing-0, ISSN 1961-989, accessed July 11, 2016.

  7. 7.

    Relevant aspects of violence and migration during the Balkan Wars, discussed in more recent publications, can be found in Berna Pekesen, “Expulsion and Emigration of the Muslims from the Balkans,” European History Online (EGO), http://www.ieg-ego.eu/pekesenb-2011-en, accessed February 4, 2016; Stefan Sotiris Papaioannou, “Balkan Wars between the Lines: Violence and Civilians in Macedonia, 1912–1918,” PhD thesis, University of Maryland, 2012; Üğur Ümit Üngör, “Mass Violence against Civilians during the Balkan Wars,” in Dominik Geppert, William Mulligan, and Andreas Rose, eds., The Wars before the Great War: Conflict and International Politics before the Outbreak of the First World War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), 76–91; see also various articles published in Hakan Yavuz and Isa Blumi, eds., War and Nationalism: The Balkan Wars, 1912–1913, and Their Sociopolitical Implications (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2013).

  8. 8.

    Zekeria Cana, Politika e Serbisë kundrejt çështjes shqiptare 1903–1913 [Serbia’s policy toward the Albanian issue] (Prishtina: Instituti Albanologjik i Prishtinës, 2006), 274–75; Zoran Janjetović, Deca careva, pastorčad kraljeva. Nacionalne manjine u Jugoslaviji 1918–1941 [The emperors’ children, the kings’ stepchildren: national minorities in Yugoslavia 1918–1941] (Belgrade: Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije, 2005), 102–103.

  9. 9.

    According to official Ottoman statistics, no fewer than 359 paramilitary units (with approximately 4,200 members) plied their dreadful trade in Macedonia in 1911, most of them in the vilayets of Salonica and Kosovo; see Österreichische Monatsschrift für den Orient, vols. 4–5 (1912), 81.

  10. 10.

    See Hall, Balkan Wars, 11.

  11. 11.

    Katrin Boeckh, Von den Balkankriegen zum Ersten Weltkrieg. Kleinstaatenpolitik und ethnische Selbstbestimmung auf dem Balkan (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1996), 25–26.

  12. 12.

    See Article 1 of the secret appendix to the treaty. Both parties declared that intervention could be triggered if “internal disorders arise in Turkey, of such a character as to endanger the national or state interests of the contracting parties.” Article 2 defines, albeit unclearly, the territorial claims of the signatories; see the Supplement to the American Journal of International Law, vol. 8, no. 1 (1914), 3–5.

  13. 13.

    Konrad Clewing, “Staatensystem und innerstaatliches Agieren im multiethnischen Raum. Südosteuropa im langen 19. Jahrhundert,” in Konrad Clewing and Oliver Jens Schmitt, eds., Geschichte Südosteuropas. Vom frühen Mittelalter bis zur Gegenwart (Regensburg: Friedrich Pustet, 2011), 432–553, 487.

  14. 14.

    Ibid., 487.

  15. 15.

    Wolfgang Höpken, “Archaische Gewalt oder Vorboten des ‘totalen’ Krieges? Die Balkankriege 1912/13 in der europäischen Kriegsgeschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts,” in Ulf Brunnbauer, Andreas Helmedach, and Stefan Troebst, eds., Schnittstellen. Gesellschaft, Nation, Konflikt und Erinnerung in Südosteuropa. Festschrift für Holm Sundhaussen zum 65. Geburtstag (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2007), 245–60, 255.

  16. 16.

    See Fikret Adanır, “Bevölkerungsverschiebungen, Siedlungspolitik und ethnisch-kulturelle Homogenisierung. Nationsbildung auf dem Balkan und in Kleinasien,” in Sylvia Hahn, Andrea Komlosy, and Ilse Reiter, eds., Ausweisung–Abschiebung–Vertreibung in Europa. 16.–20. Jahrhundert (Innsbruck: Studienverlag, 2006), 172–92, 181–82; Höpken, Archaische Gewalt, 256.

  17. 17.

    Politika, October ​5 [18],1912, 1.

  18. 18.

    Borislav Ratković, “Mobilization of the Serbian Army for the First Balkan War, October 1912,” in Béla K. Király and Dimitrije Djordjević, eds., East Central European Society and the Balkan Wars (New York: Columbia University Press, 1987), 146–57, 150.

  19. 19.

    Wolfgang Höpken, “Performing Violence: Soldiers, Paramilitaries and Civilians in the Twentieth-Century Balkan Wars,” in Alf Lüdtke and Bernd Weisbrod, eds., No Man’s Land of Violence: Extreme Wars in the 20th Century (Göttingen: Wallstein, 2006), 211–49, 236–37.

  20. 20.

    Vice Consul Peckham to Sir Ralph Paget; Üsküb, November 2, 1912, in B. Destani, ed., Ethnic Minorities in the Balkan States 1860–1971, vol. 2: 1888–1914 (Slough: Archive Editions, 2003), 258–59, here 259.

  21. 21.

    Vice Consulate Monastir/Bitola, January 9, 1913, in ibid., 269–76, here 272. See also another case of revenge described by Aleksej Timofejev, “Srpska gerila u balkanskim ratovima. Kulturne, društvene i političke tradicije četničkog rata u Srbiji” [Serbian paramilitary formations in the Balkan Wars: the cultural, social and political tradition of irregular warfare in Serbia], in Srđan Rudić and Miljan Milkić, eds., Balkanski ratovi 1912/1913. Nova viđenja i tumačenja [The Balkan Wars. new views and interpretations] (Belgrade: Istorijski institut/Institut za strategijska istraživanja, 2013), 93–110, here 106.

  22. 22.

    Vice Consulate Monastir/Bitola, January 9, 1913, in ibid., 269–76, here 272.

  23. 23.

    Leon Trotsky, “Behind the Curtain’s Edge” [first published in Kievskaia Mysl’, December 23, 1912], The Balkan Wars, 1912–13: The War Correspondence of Leon Trotsky (New York: Pathfinder Press, 1980), 266–72, here 271.

  24. 24.

    Report of the International Commission to Inquire into the Causes and Conduct of the Balkan Wars (Washington, DC: The Endowment, 1914), 72; see also 76 regarding the early weeks of the First Balkan War as a “period of extreme brutality.”

  25. 25.

    Höpken, Performing Violence, 234. See also the case study about the Macedonian Adrianople Volunteers from Tetsuya Sahara, where the author states that the distinction between irregulars and the regular units was irrelevant and that “intimidations and exemplary killings were carried out intentionally and as part of a premeditated military plan.” Tetsuya Sahara, “Paramilitaries in the Balkan Wars: The Case of Macedonian Adrianople Volunteers,” in Yavuz and Blumi, eds., War and Nationalism, 399–419, here 417; see also Aleksandar Stojčev, “Učešće Makedonaca u balkanskim ratovima u sastavu srpske vojske” [Participation of the Macedonians in the Balkan Wars as part of the Serbian Army], in Rudić and Milkić, eds., Balkanski ratovi, 77–86, here 81.

  26. 26.

    Höpken, Performing Violence, 232–33.

  27. 27.

    See, for the Bulgarian case, the reports of British consular officials in Salonica, Kavala, and Plovdiv, written in February and March 1913, published in Destani, ed., Ethnic Minorities, 295–96, 299–304, 352–63; see also Fatme Myuhtar-May, “Pomak Christianization (Pokrastvane) in Bulgaria during the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913,” in Yavuz and Blumi, eds., War and Nationalism, 316–60; see, for the Montenegrin case, Šerbo Rastoder, “Nekoliko dokumenata iz bečkih arhiva o pokrštavanjima i iseljavanju muslimanskog stanovništva iz oblasti koje je Crna Gora oslobodila u balkanskim ratovima 1912/1914” [Some documents from the archives of Vienna regarding baptisms and emigration of the Muslim population from the districts liberated by Montenegro during the Balkan Wars 1912/1914], Almanah 41–42 (2008), 277–306; and Noel Malcolm, Kosovo: A Short History (London: Macmillan, 1998), 254–55.

  28. 28.

    Janjetović, Deca careva, pastorčad kraljeva, 106–107.

  29. 29.

    Predrag J. Marković, Ethnic Stereotypes: Ubiquitous, Local or Migrating Phenomena? The Serbian–Albanian Case (Bonn: Druckerei der Universität Bonn, 2003), 59–60; see, as an example, the editorial “Nova nacija” [New nation] in Politika, November 20 (December 3), 1912, 1. The first sentences read as follows: “Besides all the theories and evidence, Albanian nationality remains not possible to prove by other means than force. Albanians do not have in their lives and their history any trace of unity and abilities for joint development. They represent a group of wild, of disagreeing, tribes. And they can only be maintained artificially as state unity.”

  30. 30.

    Vladan Jovanović, Jugoslovenska država i Južna Srbija 1918–1929. Makedonija, Sandžak, Kosovo i Metohija u Kraljevini SHS [The Yugoslav state and southern Serbia 1918–1929. Macedonia, Sancak, Kosovo and Metohija] (Beograd: Institut za noviju istoriju Srbije, 2002), 27. See also Janjetović, Deca careva, pastorčad kraljeva, 108–109.

  31. 31.

    Report of the International Commission, 265.

  32. 32.

    For example, in the region of Ohrid thirty villages were said to have been burned by Serbian and Greek armed forces in September; see Jovanović, Jugoslovenska država, 27.

  33. 33.

    Report of the International Commission, 151.

  34. 34.

    Military casualty figures are given in Hall, Balkan Wars, 135–36.

  35. 35.

    Of great value is a volume of sources—British consular reports—edited by Bejtullah Destani and Robert Elsie, mainly from Monastir/Bitola, showing the struggle of Serbia, Greece, and Bulgaria for the region of Monastir as the suffering of the non-dominant ethnicities: Bejtullah Destani and Robert Elsie, eds., The Balkan Wars: British Consular Reports from Macedonia in the Final Years of the Ottoman Empire (London: I.B. Tauris, 2014).

  36. 36.

    Report of the International Commission, 151.

  37. 37.

    Alexandros A. Pallis, “Racial Migrations in the Balkans during the Years 1912–1924,” Geographical Journal, vol. 66, no. 4 (1925), 315–31, 315.

  38. 38.

    Ibid., 317.

  39. 39.

    Vice Consulate Monastir/Bitola, January 12, 1914, in Destani and Elsie, eds., Balkan Wars, 187.

  40. 40.

    Justin McCarthy, Death and Exile: The Ethnic Cleansing of Ottoman Muslims 1821–1922 (Princeton, NJ: Darwin Press, 1995), 157–60; see also Pallis, “Racial Migrations in the Balkans.”

  41. 41.

    Boeckh, Von den Balkankriegen zum Ersten Weltkrieg, 261 (Greece) and 267 (Bulgaria).

  42. 42.

    McCarthy, Death and Exile, 156.

  43. 43.

    See Boeckh, Von den Balkankriegen zum Ersten Weltkrieg, 258.

  44. 44.

    Österreichische Monatsschrift für den Orient, vol. 3 (1913), 49.

  45. 45.

    See Arnold J. Toynbee, The Western Question in Greece and Turkey: A Study in the Contact of Civilisations (London: Constable, 1922), 138. An assessment of the authenticity of the figures of the Ottoman Ministry of Refugees is given by McCarthy, Death and Exile, 175–76 (footnote 125).

  46. 46.

    Hereto see additionally the overview of different existing numbers in the literature given by Nedim İpek, “The Balkans, War, and Migration,” in Yavuz and Blumi, eds., War and Nationalism, 621–64, here 638–49.

  47. 47.

    See the press agency reports of the “Albanische Korrespondenz” from October and November 1913, published in Robert Elsie, ed., Leo Freundlich. Die Albanische Korrespondenz. Agenturmeldungen aus Krisenzeiten (Juni 1913 bis August 1914) (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2012).

  48. 48.

    Ibid., 215–16 (agency report of November 5) and 234–35 (agency report of November 22).

  49. 49.

    Ibid., 234 (agency report from November 22). Other estimates suggest that Albania accommodated between 50,000 and 100,000 refugees in mid-November 1913 (probably including refugees from Greece); see Österreichische Monatsschrift für den Orient, vol. 11 (1913), 207.

  50. 50.

    Cf. Ther, Die dunkle Seite der Nationalstaaten, 70.

  51. 51.

    Toynbee, The Western Question in Greece and Turkey, 139.

  52. 52.

    Erik Jan Zürcher, Young Turk Legacy and Nation Building: From the Ottoman Empire to Atatürk’s Turkey (London: I.B. Tauris, 2010), 118.

  53. 53.

    Üngör, “Mass Violence,” 86.

  54. 54.

    Zürcher, Young Turk Legacy, 93–94, 148.

  55. 55.

    Cf. Erol Ülker, “Contextualising ‘Turkification’: Nation-Building in the Late Ottoman Empire, 1908–18,” Nations and Nationalism, vol. 11, no. 4 (2005), 613–36, here 622.

  56. 56.

    Elsie, Leo Freundlich. Die Albanische Korrespondenz, 29 (agency report of June 24, 1913). Cf. also Çağdaş Sümer, “What Did the Albanians Do? Postwar Disputes on Albanian Attitudes,” in Yavuz and Blumi, eds., War and Nationalism, 727–38.

  57. 57.

    The Österreichische Monatsschrift für den Orient suggested that in April and May 1913 many Albanians were expelled from the Ottoman Empire. Österreichische Monatsschrift für den Orient, vol. 5 (1913), 82. Further notes regarding the dismissal of Albanian officials and the expulsion of Albanians in 1913 and 1914 can be found in the agency reports published in Elsie, Leo Freundlich. Die Albanische Korrespondenz, 30–31, 37, 42, 94, 314.

  58. 58.

    See the case of sixty Albanian families coming from Kosovo who were expelled to Piraeus; cf. ibid., 73 (agency report of July 31, 1913).

  59. 59.

    Fuat Dündar, “The Settlement Policy of the Committee of Union and Progress 1913–1918,” in Hans-Lukas Kieser, ed., Turkey Beyond Nationalism: Towards Post-Nationalist Identities (London: I.B. Tauris, 2006), 37–42, here 38.

  60. 60.

    Ibid., 38–39.

  61. 61.

    Cf. Y. Doğan Çetinkaya, “Atrocity Propaganda and the Nationalization of the Masses in the Ottoman Empire during the Balkan Wars (1912–13),” International Journal of Middle East Studies, vol. 46 (2014), 759–78.

  62. 62.

    Zürcher, Young Turk Legacy, 71.

  63. 63.

    Y. Doğan Çetinkaya, “Muslim Merchants and Working-Class in Action: Nationalism, Social Mobilization and Boycott Movement in the Ottoman Empire 1908–1914”, PhD thesis, University of Leiden, 2010, 190.

  64. 64.

    Ibid., 191–92.

  65. 65.

    Pallis, “Racial Migrations in the Balkans,” 318.

  66. 66.

    Yannis G. Mourelos, “The 1914 Persecutions and the First Attempt at an Exchange of Minorities between Greece and Turkey,” Balkan Studies, vol. 26, no. 2 (1985), 389–413, here 393.

  67. 67.

    Cf. ibid., 399–411.

  68. 68.

    Ther, Die dunkle Seite der Nationalstaaten, 79.

  69. 69.

    Stephen P. Ladas, The Exchange of Minorities: Bulgaria, Greece and Turkey (New York: Macmillan, 1932), 18.

  70. 70.

    Ibid., 19.

  71. 71.

    All of these treaties are published in George Fr. de Martens, ed., Nouveau Receuil Général de Traités et Autres Actes Relatifs aux Rapports de Droit International, third series, vol. 8 (Leipzig, 1914 [reprint: Aalen, 1960]).

  72. 72.

    “Is Dayton Failing? Bosnia Four Years after the Peace Agreement,” International Crisis Group Balkans Report, vol. 80, Sarajevo, October 28, 1999, 32, http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/europe/Bosnia%2032.pdf, accessed July 11, 2016.

  73. 73.

    Muslims—former inhabitants of the Ottoman Empire—living in Bulgaria, Greece, or Serbia could opt for citizenship in the Ottoman Empire; conversely, option rights could also be exercised by Bulgarians, Greeks, and Serbs living in the Ottoman Empire.

  74. 74.

    Cf., with details for the individual states, Boeckh, Von den Balkankriegen zum Ersten Weltkrieg.

  75. 75.

    Cf. the figures published by Lord Courtney of Penwith, ed., Nationalism and War in the Near East (By a Diplomatist) (London: Clarendon, 1915), 298.

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  1. Institute for East and Southeast European Studies, Regensburg, Germany

    Edvin Pezo

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  1. Institute for East and Southeast European Studies, Regensburg, Germany

    Katrin Boeckh

  2. Institute for East and Southeast European Studies, Regensburg, Germany

    Sabine Rutar

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Pezo, E. (2016). Violence, Forced Migration, and Population Policies During and After the Balkan Wars (1912–14). In: Boeckh, K., Rutar, S. (eds) The Balkan Wars from Contemporary Perception to Historic Memory. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-44642-4_3

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