Abstract
This chapter presents a formal model of electoral competition where parties’ platforms are endogenously chosen and depend on the degree of the electoral rule disproportionality. We first show that proportional electoral systems generate centrifugal forces that increase candidate differentiation. This in turn implies that more proportional systems are associated with lower levels of abstention from indifference. This two-step theoretical prediction of the effect of electoral systems on turnout is then empirically validated even when we jointly control for the prevailing pivotality and party-system size hypotheses. Thus, our work highlights an additional link in the proportionality-turnout nexus.
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- 1.
- 2.
Despite the critique on the rational choice model of voter turnout, it is widely accepted (see Selb 2009 and others) that the calculus of voting model can be very useful in explaining variations in voter turnout. While the original formulation by Riker and Ordeshook (1968) also contains the benefit of the act of voting on the left hand side our cost can be understood as the net cost of voting after having subtracted the latter.
- 3.
Several justifications for platform divergence are well established. These may vary from informational or media-related factors (e.g., Grosser and Palfrey 2013; DellaVigna and Kaplan 2007) to candidates’ diverging policy preferences (e.g., Calvert 1985; Roemer 1994) and candidates’ valence characteristics (e.g., Groseclose 2001; Aragonès and Palfrey 2002; Aragonès and Xefteris 2012; Schofield and Sened 2006; Schofield and Gallego 2011; Schofield and Kurella 2015; Serra 2010).
- 4.
There are some countries in our sample (Australia, Belgium and Switzerland) that have introduced compulsory voting laws. We deal with those complications in the next section, when we present our econometric modelling strategy.
- 5.
Technically, the CMP provides parties’ positions on a − 100 to 100 scale. We perform an affine, monotonic, order preserving transformation of the index.
- 6.
- 7.
The most common critique is centered on the fact that actual election results may not accurately reflect pre-election expectations. However, as Selb (2009) notes “because ex ante information such as forecasts based on pre-election polls are usually not available for all the districts of a given electoral system, there is virtually no alternative to using ex post measures.” Hence, following Cox (1988), we also assume that pre-election expectations are on average correct.
- 8.
The effective threshold of exclusion for a given region i is calculated as \(1/(S_{i} + 1)\) where S i is the district magnitude (size). Clearly, in the case of FPTP with SMD (where S i = 1) the effective threshold of exclusion becomes 50 %.
- 9.
In fact the threshold of exclusion is collinear to the electoral district magnitude which is used in the literature to test the proportionality of the electoral rule. Hence, it is more a measure of the proportionality of the electoral rule rather than a direct way of measuring the exact mechanism which is the degree of competitiveness of the electoral race.
- 10.
This is easy to see as both of them critically depend on the average electoral district size (magnitude). Hence, any variation can only be exploited if the analysis is conducted at the electoral district and not at the country level.
- 11.
Laakso and Taagepera (1979) define the effective number of political parties as \(1/\sum _{j}(V _{j})^{2}\).
- 12.
To control for the disproportionality of the electoral rule we introduce a dummy variable that takes the value of 1 if the country implements an FPTP rule (the most disproportional one) and zero otherwise (that is, in the case of list-PR or mixed-PR systems). This is admittedly a very crude measure of electoral rule (dis)proportionality. Therefore, as we introduce our instrumental variables (IV) estimations, we also introduce two more elaborate measures of disproportionality.
- 13.
In many ways there is a clear analogy on how Persson et al. (2007) measure the index of electoral fragmentation with our own measurement of platform polarization using the Dalton Index as both indices capture the degree of vote share (or ideological) dispersion among different political parties.
- 14.
That is, if one is to run the reduced form regressions (as we do in Table 4) the direct effect of electoral rule disproportionality (via our proposed mechanism) on voter turnout should be negative. That is, more disproportional (proportional) rules suppress (increase) voter turnout, exactly as we have hypothesized.
- 15.
An additional alternative measure of electoral rule disproportionality is the natural log of the average electoral district magnitude (as in Carey and Hix 2011). The idea behind its usage is that larger district magnitude reduces the effective threshold of exclusion, hence, making the electoral system more proportional (Taagepera 1986). We employ this variable only in the reduced form regressions presented in Table 4.
- 16.
Our first-stage estimates can be interpreted as saying that a change in the electoral rule from pure PR to an FPTP system with SMD can be associated with almost two standard deviations increase in the polarization index.
- 17.
For example in the 2014 Turkish local elections, which were characterized by an unprecedented level of polarization and the political discourse was dominated by issues of national political agenda, voter turnout reached a staggering (by any standard) 91 %.
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Appendix
Appendix
Proof of Proposition 1
The proof of this proposition can be split in to five distinct parts.
- Part 1 :
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Since the behavior of voters is unambiguous in this model we should focus on understanding the dynamics which determine candidate behavior. Given n we have that party L decides p L in order to maximize
$$\displaystyle{u_{L}(\hat{p}(p_{L},p_{R},n)) = -(\pi _{L} -\hat{ p}(p_{L},p_{R},n))^{2} = -\hat{p}(p_{ L},p_{R},n)^{2}}$$while party R decides p R in order to maximize
$$\displaystyle{u_{R}(\hat{p}(p_{L},p_{R},n)) = -(\pi _{R} -\hat{ p}(p_{L},p_{R},n))^{2} = -(1 -\hat{ p}(p_{ L},p_{R},n))^{2}.}$$Hence, \(u_{L}(\hat{p}(p_{L},p_{R},n))\) is strictly decreasing in \(\hat{p}(p_{L},p_{R},n)\) for every \(\hat{p}(p_{L},p_{R},n)\) between zero and one and \(u_{R}(\hat{p}(p_{L},p_{R},n))\) is strictly decreasing in \(\hat{p}(p_{L},p_{R},n)\) for every \(\hat{p}(p_{L},p_{R},n)\) between zero and one. Letting aside mixed strategies, this means that our two-player game is strategically equivalent to the two-player zero sum game in which one player (party L) decides p L in order to minimize \(\hat{p}(p_{L},p_{R},n)\) and the other player (party R) decides p R in order to minimize \(\hat{p}(p_{L},p_{R},n)\). Therefore, if we characterize the equilibrium set of this zero-sum game, we will have the equilibrium set of the game we are interested in.
- Part 2 :
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We notice that in equilibrium it has to be the case that \(\hat{p}(p_{L}^{{\ast}},p_{R}^{{\ast}},n) = \frac{1} {2}\). As said our game is strategically equivalent to the described zero-sum game. Therefore, it has to be the case that the equilibrium implemented policy (which coincides with the value of the zero-sum game) is unique; all equilibria should deliver the same implemented policy. Imagine that in this unique equilibrium implemented policy is such that \(\hat{p}(p_{L}^{{\ast}},p_{R}^{{\ast}},n) <\frac{1} {2}\). If party R deviates and proposes a platform \(1 - p_{L}^{{\ast}}\), it will switch the implemented policy to \(\frac{1} {2}\); this is obviously profitable for party R as it will bring the implemented policy nearer to its ideal policy. An equivalent argument rule out possibility of \(\hat{p}(p_{L}^{{\ast}},p_{R}^{{\ast}},n)> \frac{1} {2}\). Therefore, in equilibrium it has to be that \(\ \hat{p}(p_{L}^{{\ast}},p_{R}^{{\ast}},n) = \frac{1} {2}.\)
- Part 3 :
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If the equilibrium set is non-empty, then an equilibrium should exist such that \(p_{L}^{{\ast}} <\frac{1} {2} <p_{R}^{{\ast}} = 1 - p_{ L}^{{\ast}}\). If an equilibrium exists and \(p_{L}^{{\ast}}\geq \frac{1} {2}\) then \(\hat{p}(p_{L}^{{\ast}},p_{R}^{{\ast}},n) = \frac{1} {2}\) suggests that \(p_{R}^{{\ast}}\leq \frac{1} {2}\). This implies that (a) if \(p_{R}^{{\ast}} = \frac{1} {2}\) party L can deviate to the policy p L = 0 and, given our parameters restrictions, receive some votes and thus induce \(\hat{p}(0, \frac{1} {2},n) <\frac{1} {2}\) and that (b) if \(p_{R}^{{\ast}} <\frac{1} {2}\) party L can deviate to the policy \(p_{L} = p_{R}^{{\ast}}\) and thus induce \(\hat{p}(p_{R}^{{\ast}},p_{R}^{{\ast}},n) <\frac{1} {2}\). This rules out possibility of an equilibrium such that \(p_{R}^{{\ast}}\leq \frac{1} {2}\) too. Moreover, since our game is strategically equivalent to a zero-sum game it has to be the case that every equilibrium strategy is a minimaximizer strategy and the other way round. This along with the fact that our game also satisfies a symmetry notion (\(\hat{p}(\mu,\nu,n) = 1 -\hat{ p}(1-\nu,1-\mu,n)\)) suggests that if \(p_{L}^{{\ast}}\) is a minimaximizer strategy for party L then \(1 - p_{L:}^{{\ast}}\) must be a minimaximizer strategy of party R.
- Part 4 :
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We observe that when \(p_{R}> \frac{1+v} {2}\) there exists \(\varepsilon> 0\) such that \(\hat{p}(p_{L},p_{R},n)\) is differentiable in \(p_{L} \in (1 - p_{R}-\varepsilon,1 - p_{R}+\varepsilon )\). Routine algebraic manipulations show that \(\frac{\partial u_{L}(\hat{p}(p_{L},p_{R},n))} {\partial p_{L}} \vert _{p_{R}=1-p_{L}} = 0\) if and only if \(p_{L}^{{\ast}} = \frac{-1+2n-\sqrt{1-4vn}} {4n} <\frac{1-v} {2}\) (in which case \(p_{R}^{{\ast}} = 1 -\frac{-1+2n-\sqrt{1-4vn}} {4n} = \frac{1+2n+\sqrt{1-4vn}} {4n}\)). That is, \((p_{L}^{{\ast}},p_{R}^{{\ast}}) = (\frac{-1+2n-\sqrt{1-4vn}} {4n}, \frac{1+2n+\sqrt{1-4vn}} {4n} )\) is candidate for an equilibrium. By plotting \(\hat{p}(p_{L}, \frac{1+2n+\sqrt{1-4vn}} {4n},n)\) we notice that it admits a unique minimum for any admissible pair of parameter values (see Figs. 3, 4 and 5) and hence \(u_{L}(\hat{p}(p_{L}, \frac{1+2n+\sqrt{1-4vn}} {4n},n))\) admits a unique maximum too. That is party L has a unique minimaximizer strategy \(p_{L}^{{\ast}} = \frac{-1+2n-\sqrt{1-4vn}} {4n}\) which suggests that our game admits the unique equilibrium \((p_{L}^{{\ast}},p_{R}^{{\ast}}) = (\frac{-1+2n-\sqrt{1-4vn}} {4n}, \frac{1+2n+\sqrt{1-4vn}} {4n} )\).
- Part 5 :
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It is straightforward that \(\frac{\partial (p_{R}^{{\ast}}-p_{ L}^{{\ast}})} {\partial n} <0\) and hence the distance between the equilibrium platforms is decreasing in the level of disproportionality of the electoral rule.
□
Proof of Proposition 2
This is straightforward as \(\frac{\partial T^{{\ast}}(n)} {\partial n} <0\) for every strictly positive and admissible value of the parameters. □
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Matakos, K., Troumpounis, O., Xefteris, D. (2015). Turnout and Polarization Under Alternative Electoral Systems. In: Schofield, N., Caballero, G. (eds) The Political Economy of Governance. Studies in Political Economy. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-15551-7_18
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