Abstract
Potential archaeological evidence of violence is usually somewhat ambiguous: it can be interpreted in different ways. I argue that our archaeological interpretations are strongly conditioned by – among other factors – the history of representations of indigeneity. In the central Andes, we must contend with unsavory stereotypes of indigenous Andeans as backward, “tough,” and liable to irrational violence. These old but newly reconfigured stereotypes are drawn on for political purposes by both criollo urbanites and Quechua- and Aymara-speaking Andeans themselves. Opposed to them are positive but problematic images of indigenous Andeans steeped in ritual and existing in harmony with society and nature, images with a pedigree in early twentieth-century romantic nativism and in mid-century structuralist anthropology. These stereotypes too are strategically consumed and perpetrated by the crafters of nationalist narratives, the tourism and artesania industries, and self-identified indigenous Andeans. In the oversimplified terms of public imagination, spiritual Andeans are opposed to violent Andeans. This problematic dyad politicizes archaeological interpretation while impoverishing the space of its possibilities, constraining archaeologists to choose between interpretations of the past that seem either distastefully savage or falsely idyllic.
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Notes
- 1.
For instance, Flores Galindo (1986) cites the eminent Peruvian historian and philosopher Sebastián Lorente, who wrote in his 1855 Pensamientos sobre el Perú: “[The natives] lie in ignorance, they are cowardly, indolent, incapable of acknowledging charity, gutless, lazy pickpockets, with no respect for the truth, and without a single elevated sentiment, they vegetate in misery and in their petty concerns, they live in drunkenness and die in lasciviousness” (Lorente 1980[1855]:117). The Peruvian writer Clemente Palma affirmed in 1897 that “The indian race is an old and degenerate branch of the ethnic trunk from which grew all the inferior races. It has all the traits of decrepitude and incapacity for civilized life. Without character, endowed with an almost nonexistent mental life, apathetic, without aspirations… the abyss is enormous that separates the Indian race from the perfectible races” (Palma 1897:14–15).
- 2.
It is estimated that more than 69,000 Peruvians lost their lives in this conflict, almost half of them in just the province of Ayacucho. More than 75% of those killed were native speakers of Quechua. Torture and rape were favored tactics of intimidation, especially by army forces. The war displaced hundreds of thousands more, resulting in huge waves of migration to Lima and in the reinforcement of great social and political inequalities in the city.
- 3.
Luis Mujica (2004:11) summarizes, “The armed forces (insurgents or military) imputed the image of ‘dangerous’ to anything unknown to them. The Andean world was converted into a space of ‘natives and savages’ and in this manner constituted a threat to the ‘New State’ from the perspective of the insurgents, or to the state itself from the viewpoint of the forces of order. Andean inhabitants were thus considered ‘cholos brutos [brutish cholos],’ ‘yana umas [black faces],’ or ‘animales.’”
- 4.
Some aspects of this portrayal were apparently based on Vargas Llosa’s experience leading a 1983 inquest into the massacre of eight Lima journalists at the provincial village of Uchuraccay (journalists who may have been mistaken for Senderistas). The resulting report (Vargas Llosa et al. 1983) stressed the intrinsically violent culture of the indigenous people of the Uchuraccay area as a primary explanatory factor (Theidon 2000:544). Of the inquest, Vargas Llosa later wrote, “The violence that we observed surprises us because in our daily life it is anomalous. For the [indigenous] Iquichanos, that violence is the atmosphere in which they move from birth to death” (Vargas Llosa 1990, cited in Franco 2006:174).
- 5.
- 6.
Tupac Amaru II, leader of the contemporaneous 1780 rebellion in Peru, also has had an iconic status; he was claimed as forefather by Velasco’s government and the revolutionary MRTA alike.
- 7.
- 8.
The incidence of fractures on combined trophy heads reported by Verano (1995), Kellner (2002), and Forgey and Williams (2005) is about 10% (8 out of 79 adult crania), comparable to rates in the general Nasca population (Kellner 2002). These studies may underestimate trauma on trophy heads somewhat, because the posterior portion of some Nasca trophy skulls was removed (Kellner 2002), meaning wounds on those portions would not be detectable.
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Acknowledgements
I thank Richard Chacon for the invitation to participate in the original symposium and the resulting volume. A Wenner-Gren Hunt postdoctoral fellowship and a Dumbarton Oaks residential fellowship both provided generous support during the time I wrote this article, for which I am deeply grateful. My warm thanks to Jessa Leinaweaver, Joanne Pillsbury, and Charles Stanish for their comments on an earlier draft. All errors and misrepresentations are my own.
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Arkush, E. (2012). Violence, Indigeneity, and Archaeological Interpretation in the Central Andes. In: Chacon, R., Mendoza, R. (eds) The Ethics of Anthropology and Amerindian Research. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-1065-2_12
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-1065-2_12
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