Abstract
This chapter reports on our study of the self-justifications and internal conversations, or self-dialogues, of 16 married Chinese-Singaporean women about their deliberations on voluntary childlessness. The sample of our study consisted of higher-skilled (H) and lower-skilled (L) women. We used the social exchange framework of Levinger (A social exchange view on the dissolution of pair relationships. In: F. I. Nye (ed) Family relationships. Beverly Hills: Sage, 1982) and Chan (J Fam Econ Issues 31(3), 387–95, 2009; The Straits Times, 13 June 2010; J Asian Bus 2011) to explain these women’s justifications of their choices. More precisely, we examined how the women explained their decisions as a result of their cost–benefit analyses in the context of their perceptions of four crucial social agents: husbands, workplace, extended families, and Singapore society. Our findings show that the women’s reflections were varied and diverse. Differences stemmed from their education levels and from the multiple intersections of the women’s perceptions of their relations with their social agents. Our data yield that the women’s decisions were most strongly motivated by their attempts to arbitrate financial costs, their wishes to pursue a career, and their assessment that their husbands would not contribute much to childrearing. Purely financial considerations were more strongly expressed by the lower-skilled women, yet both groups of higher-skilled and lower-skilled women lamented that extended families and Singapore society would not provide sufficient help to alleviate their burden in child care.
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- 1.
The TFR is said to be a more accurate indicator of the fertility level in a country than the crude birth rate (number of live births per population, expressed in per 1,000 population per year), as TFR refers to the average number of births per woman in her lifetime, taking into account the sex distribution of the population.
- 2.
In “developed countries,” a rate of 2.1 children per woman is considered to be the ideal replacement level, “at which a population exactly replaces itself from one generation to the next” (Craig 1994, p. 20), and at which the population will remain stable, assuming no immigration or emigration takes place.
- 3.
In a survey on lowest fertility rates conducted by CIA World Factbook (2009), out of the 224 sovereign states, Singapore ranked third, just behind fellow Asian cities Hong Kong and Macau.
- 4.
Snowball sampling method is when each person interviewed is asked to recommend additional people (who fit the criteria) for interviewing (Babbie 2004, p. 184).
- 5.
All figures were corrected to 1 decimal place.
- 6.
We used the 2003 figures (even though we had data for 2008, which were more recent) because our respondents were married an average of 6.6 years ago (7 years ago before 2010, i.e., 2003).
- 7.
These paid foreign domestic helpers are, in local terms, referred to as “maids.” These women are typically from neighboring countries of the Philippines or Indonesia, and come to Singapore as live-in helpers who aid in the domestic chores of the family, in particular, cleaning, childrearing, and taking care of the elderly.
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Li, A.E.H., Plüss, C., Kwok-bun, C. (2013). To Be or Not to Be: Chinese-Singaporean Women Deliberating on Voluntary Childlessness. In: Kwok-bun, C. (eds) International Handbook of Chinese Families. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-0266-4_13
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