Abstract
Zanzibar during the nineteenth century was under the colonial rule of the Gulf state of Oman. This was a period during which the economy of Zanzibar became increasingly engaged in global capitalism, through the caravan trade in ivory and slaves which was funneled through the entrepôt of Zanzibar, and also through the development of plantation agriculture to grow the spice cloves. Archeological evidence of mass produced ceramic use on these plantations forms the basis for a multiscalar analysis of the place of commodity exchanges in the shifting colonial social structure of Zanzibar during the nineteenth century. A commodity-chain analysis is utilized in order to follow imported ceramics – mostly brightly painted and sponge printed bowls – through their cycles of production, exchanges, and use. Ceramics are shown to have been an important part of the material relations of reciprocal relations of obligation between plantation residents (including both owners and enslaved laborers), of perceived differences between Indian traders and plantation residents through commodity exchanges, and in the creation of perceived Others in far off lands for factory workers in Europe as they made these vessels. Overall, the chapter aims to show the multifaceted nature of the flow of commodities and their social valence in understandings of identities and the structuring of interpersonal relations in this colonial setting.
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Notes
- 1.
Locally produced ceramics of Zanzibar formed the majority of the assemblage from the archaeological investigations discussed in this chapter. Their usual form was open “carinated cooking pots” regularly decorated with arc decorations and occasional burnishing and red paint (Croucher 2006; Croucher and Wynne-Jones 2006).
- 2.
The Swahili cities of the East African coast have been shown to be participants in inter-regional trade across the Indian Ocean from at least the ninth century AD (see Horton 1996; LaViolette and Fleisher 2005; Juma 2004 for comprehensive archaeological discussions). Swahili towns were linked into wide Indian Ocean regional trading networks which spread from East Africa, through the Middle East, India, and across to China. This network, termed by Michael Pearson (1998: 36) the “Afarasian Sea” had a truly global scope from the close of the fifteenth century with the entry of the Portuguese into Indian Ocean trade. However, important European trade may be to the later history discussed in this chapter, it is important to note that this grew out of a long established mercantile system, and scholars of this region have been keen to point out the long-term historical build up to nineteenth century mercantile trade (Pearson 2006; Sheriff 2010).
- 3.
In this chapter, I refer to the two islands by their proper names; Unguja, the southern of the two main Zanzibari islands is that usually referred to as Zanzibar, and Pemba, the northern portion of the political entity which forms Zanzibar. The term Zanzibar is used to refer to the islands as a whole or to the urban center of Zanzibar on Unguja.
- 4.
Survey data are drawn from the Zanzibar Clove Plantation Survey 2003. This consisted of purposive surface survey conducted at four different areas on Unguja and Pemba (see Fig. 8.3 for a map showing these areas). No subsurface testing was conducted, and the visibility of artifacts at different sites did vary upon the level of recent digging for purposes of farming. However, imported ceramics were found to be readily visible. For the purpose of analysis, material here is largely considered in terms of the presence and/or absence on different sites. Proportions of different materials at sites with this survey data offer extremely tentative evidence, since they were collected in a nonsystematic manner. Proportions of material presented from excavation data, all of which derives from excavations at Mgoli, Pemba in 2004, are based on 100% collection and sieving and can therefore be taken as valid proportional data.
- 5.
Particular contexts were drawn out for analysis from the material at Mgoli as a whole. Where mid-nineteenth century material is discussed, these contexts are from Trench C, numbered 3005 and 3009. Where late-nineteenth/early-twentieth century material is mentioned, contexts were analyzed from Trench D, numbered 4007 and 4008. Overall numbers for the site of Mgoli refer to material from all contexts. Percentages provided here are calculated by count.
- 6.
Less than 4% of mass produced ceramics excavated from Mgoli overall had a design falling outside of these two categories. Full details of these materials can be found in Croucher (2006) Chapter 7 and Appendix D. By far the most common decorative form on transfer printed vessels was willow pattern, found on several “platter” sherds – these would have been from large, flat, rectangular serving plates, still used today for special occasions. The proportion of transfer printed ceramics fell over the course of the nineteenth century, comprising 40% of imported sherds in earlier analyzed contexts and dropping to just 9% in later contexts. Painted and sponge designs were most common overall, forming 38% of the imports from the site of Mgoli overall, 43% from mid-nineteenth century contexts, and 19% of those from late-nineteenth century/early-twentieth century contexts, where numbers of decorated ceramics had dropped significantly.
- 7.
Drawing on excavated material painted and sponge designs was most common when the assemblage is taken as a whole, forming 38% of the imports from the site of Mgoli overall, 43% from mid-nineteenth century contexts and, 19% of those from late-nineteenth century/early-twentieth century contexts, where numbers of decorated ceramics had dropped significantly. By far the most common decorative form on transfer printed vessels was willow pattern, found on several platter sherds – these would have been from large, flat, rectangular serving plates, still used today for special occasions. The proportion of transfer printed ceramics fell over the course of the nineteenth century, comprising 40% of imported sherds in earlier analyzed contexts and dropping to just 9% in later contexts.
- 8.
Bowls were most common in mid-nineteenth century contexts, where they accounted for 61% of diagnostic mass produced sherds, a further 29% of diagnostic imports were teacups, with a few further sherds of large platters. Numbers were significantly different for late-nineteenth century/early-twentieth century material, where only 4% of diagnostic mass produced sherds were bowl forms, with a much higher 57% of sherds being recognizable teacup forms. While this seems to signal a shift toward more common use of teacups, the overall percentages of material from the site where 40% of diagnostic mass produced ceramic sherds were bowl forms and 37% were teacups, seems to suggest that when a wider range of data is available for this period, we may not see such dramatic differences. Clearly the ceramics surviving today testify to the importance of bowls, as do oral histories. But teacups may have had a wider usage in daily life, and been viewed as more of a utilitarian form than bowls. If more were available and their daily frequency of use was higher, teacups may also have been more liable to breakage, therefore presenting more sherds in the archaeological record.
- 9.
Ceramics in total made up 76% of the entire assemblage by artifact count (n = 14,602). The remainder of the ceramic assemblage was made up of majority locally produced wares (93%) and non-mass produced imports (3%) – the majority of this latter category being “Indian” water pots (mitungi), which may have been produced locally (see Croucher 2006: Appendix E for details).
- 10.
Using quantitative data from this survey evidence is problematic. Since only purposive surface survey was carried out (for a discussion of full survey methodology and results see Croucher 2004), it is impossible to say that these data are a representative sample of material from all nineteenth century clove plantations across the four survey regions from which data were collected. Of 64 sites recorded on the survey, 86% (55 sites) had imported ceramics visible, compared to a slightly lower 75% (48 sites) with local ceramics visible on the surface, with many sites having both. The reasons for this distribution seem unclear, although they are explored in more detail further on in this chapter. In interpreting them it may be worth noting that the majority of survey sites, although by no means all, were those associated with plantation owners. Over three-quarters (76%) of all sites recorded had no stone remains visible on the surface. This means that despite the higher correlation with plantation owners, the majority of these sites related to people who likely did not have the economic means available to build a stone house (see Croucher 2006, in preparation for further discussion of the relationship between architectural styles on Zanzibar and social standing, as well as Myers 1996, 1997). A slight skewing of the data may have been caused by the visibility of ceramic remains in a tropical landscape context. On sites with dense undergrowth, locally produced wears which lack the reflective qualities of glazed imports may have been harder to pick out visually. Nevertheless, thorough visual examination was undertaken at each site recorded and so this is likely to cause only very minor differences in the recorded artifacts.
- 11.
Debates within historical archaeology are now moving beyond a straightforward equation of the cost of goods and the status of a household, including some of those cited previously. Many of the more recent debates within historical archaeology about the nature of consumer goods within households stem from the work of Mullins (1999, 2004; see also Cook et al. 1996). Studies have shown that households may buy goods that exceed expectations based on their income, particularly when these are readily available in urban situations (Brighton 2001). However, underlying all of these discussions is a general assumption that the consumption of commodities is based upon consumers acquiring goods in an attempt to present symbolic messages – most often relating to class or economic status – to their immediate neighbors and acquaintances. The end result may be more nuanced than a direct correlation between economic wherewithal of a household and their material possessions, but where differences occur, these are most usually in the form of poorer households attempting to apportion larger amounts of their income to consumer goods in order to present the façade of a higher status than might otherwise be accorded by their social standing and economic means.
- 12.
Interview transcripts can be found in Croucher (2006), Appendices A and K. Specific references are provided to these transcripts where appropriate. These interviews were conducted between 2003 and 2005. Although interview subjects were usually older, most of their recollections can be expected not to fall before the 1940s, and most spoke about the period prior to independent rule. This is obviously not the same time period as the plantation archaeology data, which runs from the nineteenth through to the early-twentieth century. However, these provide a heuristic tool to begin to think about the social structures of Zanzibari society which may have been similar 50 years or more before these recollections are based.
- 13.
Croucher (2006: Appendix K), interviews 1, 5, 8, and 9.
- 14.
Croucher (2006: Appendix K), interviews 1 and 9.
- 15.
Croucher (2006: Appendix K), interviews 4 and 9.
- 16.
Croucher (2006: Appendix K), interview 4.
- 17.
Croucher (2006: Appendix K), interviews 1, 4, and 8.
- 18.
Croucher (2006: Appendix K), interviews 1 and 7.
- 19.
Croucher (2006: Appendix K), interviews 5, 6, 8, and 9.
- 20.
- 21.
Ceramics have a long (pre)history of trade around the Indian Ocean. Early imports are attested from the site of Kilwa dated back to at least the eighth Century CE (Horton 1996), details of further long-term trends in imported ceramics can be found for Unguja in Juma (2004), for Pemba in Fleisher (2003), and for the Kilwa region in Wynne-Jones (2005).
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Acknowledgments
Funding for the fieldwork discussed in this chapter was provided by the Arts and Humanities Research Council UK, the Emslie Horniman fund of the Royal Anthropological Institute, the British Institute in Eastern Africa, and a Zochonis Special Enterprise Award from the University of Manchester. Fieldwork on Zanzibar was carried out under research permit ZRP/98 granted via the Department of Archives, Museums, and Antiquities (DAMA), Zanzibar. Work on this chapter was completed at Wesleyan University and the School for Advanced Research (SAR). I would particularly like to thank Mr Hamad Omar, head of DAMA, along with many other staff and Zanzibari residents too numerous to mention here. Oral history interviews cited in the text were carried out in translation with Hajj Mohammed Hajj, whose friendship and generosity have contributed so much to my work on the islands. Several people read and commented on this chapter, including my current colleagues at the SAR, for whose critical insights I am extremely grateful. Lindsay Weiss also commented on this chapter, and is an ever unfailing source of inspiration, support, and friendship.
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Croucher, S.K. (2011). Exchange Values: Commodities, Colonialism, and Identity on Nineteenth Century Zanzibar. In: Croucher, S., Weiss, L. (eds) The Archaeology of Capitalism in Colonial Contexts. Contributions To Global Historical Archaeology. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-0192-6_8
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