Abstract
The main goal of the chapter is to describe and to explain cultural similarities and differences between the member states of the European Union by analyzing comparative survey data on the value orientations of the citizens of Europe. We distinguish between four different cultural spheres − religion, family culture, political culture, and concepts of the welfare state − and discuss each sphere in a separate chapter. In addition to a mere description the chapter tries to explain the cultural differences by referring to modernization theory on the one hand and cultural heritage theory on the other.
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Notes
- 1.
In this chapter I will heavily rely on a book, I have published (Gerhards and Hölscher 2005; English edition Gerhards 2007).
- 2.
The term “eastward enlargement” is not completely accurate, as two of the accession countries, Malta and Cyprus, are in Southern Europe.
- 3.
Using a similar approach Michael Hölscher (2006) has analyzed the culture of the economy in 27 European countries.
- 4.
Information regarding the European Values Study and the World Values Survey is available at the following URLs: http://www.europeanvalues.nl and http://wvs.isr.umich.edu.
- 5.
The data set is accessible at the Central Archive for Empirical Social Research in Cologne under the number 3811.
- 6.
The list of literature concerning the theme of “values” is long. We base ourselves on the very thorough reconstruction from Jan van Deth and Elinor Scarbrough (1995).
- 7.
Values are abstract orientations. In this regard, they vary from norms and from concrete, normative preferences, yet simultaneously influence such norms and concrete beliefs. A value, such as equal gender rights, can have substantial influence on a particular political position like preferring a liberal pro-choice law.
- 8.
Here, our concept of culture is identical to the concept of political culture developed and applied by Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba: “When we speak of the political culture of a society, we refer to the political system as internalized in the cognitions, feelings, and evaluations of its population. (…) The political culture of a nation is the particular distribution pattern of orientation toward political objects among the members of the nation” (Almond and Verba 1963: 13, Kaase 1983).
- 9.
The fact that the constitutional draft was not ratified does not exclude the possibility of using it to reconstruct the European value system. The sections of the constitutional draft we interpret largely summarizing existing treaties and legal systems into one unified text. The second part of the constitutional draft contains, for example, the basic EU laws which are already in force.
- 10.
As Olaf Müller et al. (2003) have shown, state socialism has led to a reduction of membership in churches throughout Central European countries. At the same time, the authors show that large differences exist between the religious affiliations. The Catholic Church has proven to stabilize their membership rate much more successfully than the Protestant Church.
- 11.
The question of how often one attends church contains eight categories in all, ranging from “never, practically never” (1) to “more than once a week” (8).
- 12.
The regularity of attending church in previous socialist societies was exposed to large variations in the past 15 years (Pollack 2003). Shortly before and after the transformation of these societies from socialistic to democratic regimes, the church experienced approval and recognition from the citizens. This is particularly related to the political opposition role adopted by the church in a few socialist countries during the socialist period. Afterward citizens’ support for the church declined so that one can speak of normalization for the time period that the Value Study’s data was collected (1999/2000).
- 13.
In their analysis of Christian countries, Pollack and Pickel (2003) show that the regularity of church attendance depends on the proportion of Catholics. Catholics are traditionally more strongly connected to their church in comparison to Protestants and the Orthodox Christians.
- 14.
The correlations between the three question range between 0.52 and 0.69 (Eta).
- 15.
In regard to the question of social issues, the difference in responses between Enlargement I and Enlargement II countries and between Enlargement I and old EU members is not statistically significant.
- 16.
The European Values Study asks two additional questions that measure the separation of religion and politics, which we did not use in our analysis. In these two questions, citizens were asked whether religious leaders should influence government decisions and how people vote in elections. Both a correlation analysis and a factor analysis show that these questions clearly measure other dimensions than the two questions we chose.
- 17.
The correlation between both questions accounts for 0.62 (Pearson’s correlation, p-value: 0.01).
- 18.
Due to the fact that the question was asked in a different manner in Hungary, the results for Hungary are probably overrated.
- 19.
Yet the following empirical evidence also supports our thesis that the indicator measures general tolerance toward other religious denominations. Pearson’s correlation coefficient of attitudes toward Jews and Muslims as neighbors, a question not posed in all countries, amounts to 0.47 (p-value: 0.01). We can also show through secondary analysis of the World Values Survey from 1990 and 1995–1997 that the level of religious tolerance in Turkey is very low. In both of these surveys, respondents were asked whether they had anything against a Muslim living in their neighborhood. This same question was asked in Turkey, and the word “Muslim” was replaced by “Christian.” Both surveys show that Turkey has the lowest level of religious tolerance for all countries under analysis. The percentages of respondents in Turkey who did not want a Christian living in their neighborhood were 54.7 and 49.1 percent in the 1990 and 1995–1997 surveys, respectively.
- 20.
A good overview of the surveys that investigate religious attitudes in Turkey is available in an article by M. Emin Köktas (2002). The evidence differs from our results in some respects, which has to do with the different manner in which the questions were formulated. Kayhan Mutlu (1996) investigated the religious attitudes of students from a university in Ankara and demonstrated that religiosity has risen from 1978 to 1991. He argues that these religious attitudes are completely compatible with democratic beliefs.
- 21.
We recoded all dependent variables so that high values signify a strong separation between religion and the secular world as well as a high tolerance rate toward other religions.
- 22.
High values represent a greater degree of church attendance.
- 23.
See the articles “politics and religion” and “church and state” published in the encyclopedia “Religion in Gegenwart und Geschichte” edited by Hans Dieter Betz et al. (2003). See also the articles “church and state” and “politics and Christianity” in “Theologische Realenzyklopädie” edited by Gerhard Müller et al. (1976).
- 24.
The assumption that Christianity is in favor of a separation of religion and state, whereas Islam is not, is extremely contentious. Dietrich Jung attempts to prove the assertion that political and religious spheres in Islam form an inherent unit as historically false (Jung 2002).
- 25.
These economic conditions are of course determined by the ownership of the means of production and the class structure, which will be left aside here.
- 26.
These authors construct an 8-point scale using five dimensions (existence of a state church, existence of theological faculties at state universities, religious instruction in public schools, existence of military and penitentiary spiritual guidance, and fiscal preferential treatment of churches). A value of 7 indicates a very slight separation of church and state, whereas a value of 0 signifies a complete separation. The authors classify those countries that are part of our analysis in the following way: Austria (5), the Czech Republic (6), Denmark (7), France (2), Germany (7), Great Britain (6), Hungary (5), Ireland (5), Italy (6), the Netherlands (4), Poland (4), Portugal (6), Spain (5) and Sweden (7). Additionally, we classify Turkey as (1), because we know that the separation of religion and the state is strictly implemented.
- 27.
- 28.
Zulehner and Denz (1994) come to a similar conclusion.
- 29.
This is a necessity, however, and is not a sufficient provision for real gender equality in the work place. Kristin Bergmann (1999) provides evidence of enormous differences between EU member states despite the legal adaptation to this provision.
- 30.
The equality and family concepts of the EU were part of the negotiations with the accession countries of Central and Eastern Europe (Bretherton 2001) and were carried out with a 31-chapter checklist. The content of each chapter emphasized various points concerning the legal and structural assimilation of the accession countries to the EU (agriculture, environment, statistics, etc.). The equal treatment of men and women is negotiated in Chapter 13 (Employment and Social Policy) and, consequently, forms one required criterion necessary to accede into the EU. This holds true even if some authors do not interpret the implementation of “gender mainstreaming” principles as sufficient (Bretherton 2001).
- 31.
The neutral choice of “neither agree nor disagree” existed only for Austria and Ireland. The aggregate calculations for “EU countries” consequently do not include these countries.
- 32.
Christian Welzel (2000) offers a good overview of literature regarding this theoretical argument of modernization.
- 33.
Another commonly used measurement for the level of modernization is per-capita GDP. We also carried out a regression analysis with this variable instead of the HDI. The results remained constant.
- 34.
The definitions are derived from the entries of the key words “family,” “woman,” and “man” in the excellent encyclopedia “Religion in the Present and Past” edited by Hans Dieter Betz et al. (2003) and from the entries in the encyclopedia “Theologische Realenzyklopädie” edited by Gerhard Müller et al. (1976).
- 35.
Franz-Xaver Kaufmann et al.’s excellent volume provides a good overview of ten country reports.
- 36.
Several authors note an additional relationship between religion and a particular welfare state model (Kaufmann 1988, Martin 1978). Countries with a Catholic tradition have developed the most advanced welfare state, which corresponds closely to the “family support model.” On the other hand, Protestant countries have developed welfare states supporting the other two family models. This relationship is not valid for Central and East European countries.
- 37.
The Beta-values in the regression model are quite similar independent whether one uses the “Gender Empowerment Measure” or Korpi’s classification as an independent variable.
- 38.
The influence of education is substantially larger in comparison to the HDI. This could be due to the fact that education is measured at the individual level, whereas the HDI is measured at the country level.
- 39.
The substantially smaller influence on the second dependent variable traces back to the fact that Turkey could not be considered in this regression due to missing data.
- 40.
This result coincides with Bernhard Weßels’ (2003: 178) empirical findings for 12 post-communist societies.
- 41.
All variables were recoded so that high values signify a high level of support of democracy.
- 42.
Cronbach’s Alpha yields 0.68.
- 43.
A 90 percent organizational participatory rate for trade unions was not uncommon.
- 44.
For the sake of space, we do not give the results for the two variables “membership in at least one organization” and “participation in at least one organization.” The results of logit regression models resemble the other findings presented here.
- 45.
In a second regression model, we replaced the variables “years of continuous democracy” and “years under socialist rule” with two dummy variables, which measure socialist and authoritarian legacies (Greece, Portugal, Spain, and Turkey). Both variables have a negative influence on civil society. Indeed, the effect caused by the authoritarian regime is greater than that of ex-socialist countries. This partially supports Howard’s thesis that both authoritarian and socialist pasts have a negative influence on civil society. Nevertheless, this finding also contradicts his assumption that the effect is greater for former socialist countries.
- 46.
- 47.
Esping-Andersen distinguishes between three analytical dimensions that help to determine the three welfare state systems: de-commodification, stratification, and the relationship of the market to the state. Roller’s typology mainly deals with the first dimension and describes the degree to which security of a citizen’s existence is independent from income.
- 48.
Part III, Article II of the constitutional draft contains an abundance of socio-political related regulations. These relate to the 1961 European social charter and the 1989 Community Charter of Fundamental Social Rights of Workers. These aforementioned charters are not considered in the following analysis.
- 49.
Article 95, Part II specifies health protection more clearly: “Everyone has the right of access to preventive health care and the right to benefit from medical treatment under the conditions established by national laws and practices. A high level of human health protection shall be ensured in the definition and implementation of all Union policies and activities.”
- 50.
- 51.
The correlation coefficients are not particularly high (although all are significant (p-value: 0.01)): The relationship between state responsibility and care for the elderly amounts to 0.045, for sick and handicapped people 0.055, and for the unemployed 0.129. The lower values from the first two correlations are partially due to the extremely lopsided distribution of support for the elderly, sick, and handicapped.
- 52.
Nevertheless, the mean differences are in almost all cases (the exceptions are the EU members and Enlargement II countries) at a 5 percent level of significance.
- 53.
Even if certain sicknesses are caused, to a certain extent, by a particular life style, it can still be assumed that every person tries to remain healthy.
- 54.
We recoded the scale so that it begins at 0, with high values indicating a high level of support. The mean value amounts to 7.9 and the standard deviation is 2.5. The scale exhibits a Cronbach’s Alpha of 0.82.
- 55.
Another question from the European Values Study provides further support for this result. Interviewees were asked whether satisfying the basic need of all people is a prerequisite of a just society. This question also exhibits an average approval of over 90 percent in almost all countries. Since a state reference is lacking, we do not analyze this variable further.
- 56.
The sequential order of the countries arises from their average approval rating of all four categories.
- 57.
The concept “socialist model” is not very accurate because socialist concepts go far beyond controls over wages and stipends. Most importantly, this does not include the collectivization of means of production.
- 58.
On the one hand, empathy is a consequence of the modernization process. Increased economic growth, division of labor, economic interdependence, and urbanization increase contact with strangers and create the structural requisites that are necessary for empathy to develop (Simmel 1992). On the other hand, empathy is a necessary requirement in order to interact with strangers at all.
- 59.
Philip Manow also indicates that one must distinguish between Lutherans and reformed Protestant faiths. The latter distinguishes itself by “under-emphasizing communal self help, strictly separating church and state, advocating spiritual asceticism and opposing strong state programs” (Manow 2002: 208).
- 60.
The OECD data on social public expenditure is not available for Bulgaria, Estonia, Hungary, Lithuania, Latvia, Malta, Romania, and Slovenia. In order to control our analyses, we used a second measurement, namely the degree of state influence on the economy as measured by the “Index Economic Freedom of the World: Size of Government” (Gwartney and Lawson 2003). The data for this index is available for all countries and correlates with the public social expenditures indicator. The results do not change substantially. The influence of modernization is somewhat reduced.
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Gerhards, J. (2010). Culture. In: Immerfall, S., Therborn, G. (eds) Handbook of European Societies. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-88199-7_8
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