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The Anthropological Study of Landscape

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Book cover African Landscapes

Part of the book series: Studies in Human Ecology and Adaptation ((STHE,volume 4))

Abstract

This chapter provides an overview of how anthropology has examined various aspects of landscape not only in Africa but on a global scale. Treating landscape basically as a cultural concept, anthropologists have investigated a broad spectrum of landscape issues in many different cultures. Among these topics, particular attention is here given to approaches focussing on the relation between nature and culture, studies on historical imaginations and notions of identity connected to landscape, as well as to studies of cognition of and orientation in landscapes. Finally, recent research on the role of landscapes within the political economy of globalisation is addressed. The multitude of issues investigated by the ‘anthropology of landscape’ has over the years been paralleled by shifting theoretical orientations. Whereas semiotics, hermeneutics, and interpretive as well as cognitive theory were prevailing earlier, many recent studies draw on postmodernist deconstruction. The heterogeneity of systematic issues and theoretical orientations in anthropological studies on landscape have so far prevented establishing a theoretical notion of landscape of cross-cultural applicability. Yet this contribution is intended to set a broader systematic framework for the studies on landscapes in northeast and southern Africa that are presented in this volume.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Such heterogeneous issues are not only typical for anthropology. In cultural geography, too, various theoretical approaches to the study of landscape have been employed simultaneously (Norton, 1989).

  2. 2.

    Lack of space in this paper chapter does also does not allow for the inclusion of the contribution of anthropological archaeology to the study of landscape. In general terms, in a similar vein as cultural anthropologists, archaeologists in recent studies aim at an understanding of past peoples’ cultural constructions of localities and space, including such aspects as place naming and the relation between memories and landscape (see Ucko & Layton, 1999; Rubertone, 2000; Tilley, Hamilton & Bender et al., 2000; Tilley & Bennett, 2001; Lennsen-Erz & Linstädter, this volume).

  3. 3.

    Duncan & Ley (1993) mention four major modes of representation in Anglo-American cultural geography, namely descriptive fieldwork, positivist science, postmodernism, and the interpretive mode of representation based upon hermeneutics. The order of these ‘modes’ as presented by the editors is interesting because anthropologists would commonly list interpretive approaches prior to postmodernism.

  4. 4.

    Meinig (1979) has distinguished ten versions of perception which ten different observers of the same landscape may have. They may perceive it, respectively, as representing nature, habitat, artefact, system, problem, wealth, ideology, history, place, or aesthetic.

  5. 5.

    It has been pointed out by the philosopher Kate Soper (1995) that the very notion of ‘nature’ – which is in a sense an intrinsically Western cultural concept and representation – always implies historical and cultural dimensions.

  6. 6.

    For the relationship between geographical and archaeological approaches, see Wagstaff (1987).

  7. 7.

    The relationship between landscapes and changing environments from an ecological perspective is discussed in Holland et al. (1991).

  8. 8.

    A general account of how environments are valued, drawing primarily on European examples, is provided in Gold & Burgess (1982) and in Hanssen (1998).

  9. 9.

    The Telefolmin strictly contrast the human world, including domesticated animals and plants, with the natural world. Ecological damage (such as landslides) resulting from mining activities, alongside proselytisation, monetarisation of the local economy, and other cultural transformations have in this setting provoked multiple new patterns of spirit interventions. All of them are ascribed to the non-human world.

  10. 10.

    A variety of culturally produced landscapes is presented by Wilson (1992).

  11. 11.

    Okely (2001) within the context of Western culture distinguishes between looking at a landscape from seeing a landscape. While Whereas for instance non-labouring spectators ‘look’ at a landscape, cultivators ‘see’ the landscape. Seeing in contrast to looking is linked to all senses.

  12. 12.

    This is paralleled by space–-time concepts as examined by Hugh-Jones (1979) in Amazonia or by Munn (1986) among the Massim of Melanesia, where it represents a value parameter within the kula exchange. See also Ingold (2000).

  13. 13.

    A similar phenomenon is Icelandic notions of the ‘Beginning’ which is also primarily referred to in terms of places rather than of time (Hastrup, 1998).

  14. 14.

    This does not mean that in European cultures, experiences of landscape are altogether superficial. Some concepts have in fact developed into major cultural themes, such as, for example, the forest (Der Wald) which over the centuries has developed into an important, almost mythical space of experience in German culture (see Lehmann & Schriewer, 2000).

  15. 15.

    A Related phenomenon phenomena are those cultural representations of nature for which the authors in Lesch (1996) coined the German term Naturbilder. These representations not only refer to things existing but also imply visions, imaginations, and moral evaluations of nature.

  16. 16.

    A quite similar colonization of consciousness is found in recent history.: In the global discourse on indigenous land rights, international environmental and human rights organisations commonly invent or reinvent ‘traditional’ and ‘sacred’ cultural landscapes populated by natives living in perfect harmony with nature. Mostly in contrast to peoples’ own concepts of the landscape, these Western constructs are largely based upon romanticising and stereotyped views of indigenous peoples (no matter in which part of the world) who are supposed to be related to their land primarily through magico-religious ties (Bollig, 2001).

  17. 17.

    The figures in the photograph were certainly posed, if only because the revolution of the panoramic lens took considerable time. – In a different mode, the new technology of aerial photography served colonial administrative interests. Starting in the 1930s2000, it was less connected to aesthetics than to an accurate mapping of colonised landscapes in South West Africa (see Hayes, 2000).

  18. 18.

    We learn from the work of Schama (1995) that myth and memory are also of paramount importance for the notion of landscape in Western culture.

  19. 19.

    From another perspective it may also be argued that scholars such as Soja (1996) are attempting to integrate the multiple global problems we are facing into postmodern philosophical thought. In Soja’s case, ‘thirdspace’ is a theoretical concept which tries to capture the ever- changing social spatialities in the modern world.

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Acknowledgement

I am grateful to Aruna Dufft for her assistance in compiling and critically assessing the material for this chapter.

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Rössler, M. (2009). The Anthropological Study of Landscape. In: Bubenzer, O., Bollig, M. (eds) African Landscapes. Studies in Human Ecology and Adaptation, vol 4. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-0-387-78682-7_11

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