Abstract
The poverty–environment–migration triad sustains a complex relationship characterized by contradictory and ambiguous effects and multiple feedbacks (Locke et al. 2000; Adger et al. 2002). Population mobility1 may both directly or indirectly contribute to poverty reduction (e.g., through remittances, diversification of livelihoods, improved living conditions, access to social and other services, and expansion of networks), or to the exacerbation of poverty (e.g., accelerate aging in sending communities, brain drain, community weakening, impoverishment of displaced populations, or raising unemployment in receiving communities). Similarly, migration may have environmental impacts (frontier settlements change land use patterns; growing population density in sensitive and/or hazardous areas exacerbates ecological deterioration; depopulation facilitates forest re-growth; remittances may accelerate adoption of green technologies) and in turn migration can be a demographic response to environmental change and deterioration, as in the case of environmentally induced displacement. Finally, migration may be a mediating factor between poverty reduction and ecosystem health – either facilitating a positive feedback (e.g., remittances may lessen the income demands for resource extraction in origin communities) or exacerbating a negative feedback relationship (e.g., remittances may provide the technological investments to accelerate resource extraction).
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Notes
- 1.
In this paper, we use the terms population mobility and migration interchangeably.
- 2.
For example, and for the case of Mexican migration systems, the cited studies found that: male migrant networks have a significant effect on male migration to the United States but not on female migration; female migrant networks increase female migration, particularly within Mexico, but decrease the odds of male migration; and that the effect of social networks on first migration to the United States is stronger on rural sending communities than on large urban areas.
- 3.
Household livelihoods consist basically of three elements: (1) capabilities, (2) assets or resources, and (3) activities or strategies (Chambers and Conway 1991:6; Scoones 1998; Long 2001). Livelihood strategies, including economic participation and demographic behavior, mobilize, or actualize resources or assets to secure material and biological reproduction, with the purpose of achieving and retaining a certain standard of living, variable across societies and over time (Schmink 1984; Stark 1991; Bilsborrow 1992; Massey et al. 1993; Forni and Neiman 1994; Hugo 1998; Ellis 2000). The development and organization of social networks of relatives, friends, or neighbors, for purposes of exchange and solidarity, are important elements when considering the feasibility of particular strategies (De Dios 1999). The concept of household strategies places the domestic unit as the mediation between individual behavior and macro or structural socio-economic conditions, helping to explain different outcomes when facing a similar environment (Arguello 1981; Schmink 1984; Forni et al. 1991; Hugo 1998).
- 4.
For example, a study found that, between 1993 and 2001, unemployment and poverty were higher among recent internal migrants in the Buenos Aires Metropolitan area (Cortés and Groisman 2004), while another study concluded that immigrants from outside the European Union were exposed to a higher risk of poverty than the EU native population (Lelkes 2007).
- 5.
The term “informal sector” seeks to capture the large share of the global workforce that remains outside the world of full-time, stable, and protected employment. This also called “informal economy” includes informal enterprises as well as informal (i.e. not registered) work in informal and formal enterprises (International Labor Office 2002:11–13).
- 6.
Alex de Sherbinin, personal communication, May 2009.
- 7.
The livelihood approach to rural poverty identifies environment endowments as natural capital, one of five categories of household assets (Ellis 2000). Equally important is the issue of access, closely related to land/water distribution and tenure issues.
- 8.
Security implications are twofold. On one hand, they refer to climate change impacts being triggers or concomitant factors in the emergence or aggravation of conflict situations. On the other hand, they reflect concerns about human security challenges, including the security of individuals, households, and communities, and about their coping and adaptation capabilities (Adamo 2009).
- 9.
Agricultural population is defined as all persons depending for their livelihood on agriculture, hunting, fishing, and forestry. It comprises all persons economically active in agriculture as well as their non-working dependents. It is not necessary that this referred population exclusively come from rural population. (FAO. Statistical Division. http://faostat.fao.org/site/379/DesktopDefault.aspx?PageID=379. Accessed May 31, 2009).
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We want to thank Georgina Rojas-García and Claudio A. Barud for valuable insights, and Alex de Sherbinin, Cristina Rumbaitis del Río, and Sandra Baptista for their suggestions and comments to early versions of the manuscript.
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Adamo, S.B., Curran, S.R. (2012). Alliances, Conflicts, and Mediations: The Role of Population Mobility in the Integration of Ecology into Poverty Reduction. In: Ingram, J., DeClerck, F., Rumbaitis del Rio, C. (eds) Integrating Ecology and Poverty Reduction. Springer, New York, NY. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-0186-5_7
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