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the reinvention of feminism in Pakistan

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Feminist Review

Abstract

This article argues that there has been a significant turn in the discourse of feminist politics in the Islamic Republic of Pakistan. The author suggests that the rise of a new feminism – rooted in Islamic discourse, non-confrontational, privatized and personalized, whose objective is to ‘empower’ women within Islam – is not a post-9/11 development but rather a result of unresolved debates on the issue of religion within the progressive women's movement. It has been due to the accommodation of religion-based feminist arguments by the stronger secular feminist movement of the 1980s that paved the way for its own marginalization by giving feminist legitimacy to such voices. The author argues that the second wave of feminism may have become diluted in its effectiveness and support due to discriminatory religious laws, dictatorship, NGO-ization, fragmentation, co-option by the state and political parties in the same way as the global women's movement has. Yet it has been the internal inconsistency of the political strategies as well as the personal, Muslim identities of secular feminists that have allowed Islamic feminists to redefine the feminist agenda in Pakistan. This article voices the larger concern over the rise of a new generation of Islamic revivalist feminists who seek to rationalize all women's rights within the religious framework and render secular feminism irrelevant while framing the debate on women's rights exclusively around Islamic history, culture and tradition. The danger is that a debate such as this will be premised on a polarized ‘good’ vs ‘bad’ Muslim woman, such that women who abide by the liberal interpretation of theology will be pitted against those who follow a strict and literal interpretist mode and associate themselves with male religio-political discourse. This is only likely to produce a new, radicalized, religio-political feminism dominating Pakistan's political future.

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Notes

  1. Self-appointed male preachers, outside the scholarship associated with Islamic learning. Historically, such scholars have no legitimacy within the larger religious discourse but exert an important cultural influence within communities. During Gen Zia-ul-Haq's rule (1977–1988), maulvis/mullahs practically gained state sanction to operate as vigilantes particularly in enforcing the state prescription of chador and chardevari (the veil and the household) for women.

  2. I use the term here to refer to those feminists who are concerned with looking for empowerment of their gender within a ‘rethought Islam’ and are involved in reinterpreting and re-examining a masculinist reading of the Quran and Shariah. Two Pakistani scholars leading this field are Riffat Hasan, working in the USA, and Farida Shaheed, who represents the South Asian chapter of the Women Living Under Muslim Laws network, WLUML.

  3. WAF is a women's rights organization founded in 1981 and which has a presence in several cities in Pakistan. It is a non-partisan, non-hierarchical, non-funded, secular organization. It lobbies on all aspects of women's rights and related issues, irrespective of political affiliations, belief system or ethnicity. It was the lead organization that took to the streets in protest against the promulgation of discriminatory Islamic laws during the military dictatorship of Gen Zia-ul-Haq.

  4. Muslim modernist scholars such as Azza Karam use the term ‘Islamic feminists’ to distinguish feminism and non-feminism within a broader Islamic activism. See T. Rashid (2006: 71). This distinction is applicable and acknowledged within the Pakistani women's movement too.

  5. This term refers to scholars and activists who argue for gender equality through their interpretation of the Quran and Shariah which seeks an understanding of Islamic law in a historical context and a methodology that ensures women greater freedom and rights.

  6. WLUML is an international solidarity network formed in 1984 that provides information, support and a collective space for women whose lives are shaped, conditioned or governed by laws and customs said to derive from Islam. http://wluml.org/english/index.shtml.

  7. Dr Farhat Hashmi in an interview with Samina Ibrahim, Newsline, Karachi, February 2001.

  8. Olivier Roy defines neo-fundamentalism as a ‘common intellectual matrix that can nevertheless be manifested in various political attitudes’ (2004: 232).

  9. Newspaper reports quoted in T. Rashid (2006: 150).

  10. A woman's shelter, Mera Ghar, was forcibly shut down in 2005 under pressure from the MMA provincial government in doubt of its ‘religious’ credibility.

  11. A reformist movement for Indian Muslims formed in 1941, which later went on to become a right-wing Islamic political party in Pakistan. Its mass base includes an educated middle class. Despite its ideology for a gradual Islamization, the party has never done well in any national election. For the 2002 elections, they allied with five other religio-political parties to form the MMA and subsequently formed part of the government.

  12. These laws were passed in 1979 as part of General Zia-ul-Haq's Islamization policy. The Zina Ordinance makes adultery a crime against the state punishable by death and blurs the line between rape and consensual intercourse. Many hundreds of women have been victimized and jailed under this law. It has since been amended in 2006/2007 under the Women's Protection Act.

  13. See, for example, www.dawn.com/weekly/mazdak/20070414.htm; www.dawn.com/2007/04/24/letted.htm; www.dawn.com/weekly/dmag/archive/071209/dmag26.htm (all last accessed September 2008).

  14. Joint press release by WAF, Pattan, Sustainable Development Policy Institute, Rozan, Aurat Foundation, Small Projects Office, The Network, Sungi, 2 April 2007.

  15. Section of the Pakistan Criminal Procedure Code that bans public gatherings.

  16. Personal observations from the Lahore and Islamabad WAF meetings and conventions.

  17. In an advertisement calling for a protest against religious extremism in April 2007, WAF welcomed participants of all ‘faith or religious school of thought or other ideology’ to join its rally demanding the ‘freedom to worship in accordance to personal belief’. DAWN newspaper, 18 April 2007.

  18. T. Rashid notes this when she categorizes two main groups who debate the interplay of religion and women's rights in Pakistan. She places Fareeda Shaheed and Khawar Mumtaz among those seeking to recognize the appeal of religion for lower- and lower-middle class women and Asma Jahangir, Hina Jillani, Fauzia Gardezi, Nighat S. Khan and Afiya S. Zia as representative of ‘upper and upper middle class feminists’ who state that women's rights fall into the realm of secular human rights (Rashid, 2006: 58–59).

  19. A dar is an informal religious study group, and khatams are funeral prayers, usually segregated for men and women.

  20. This is not to imply that religious expression shifted into the private realm, thus dissipating from the public. Instead, social conservatism increased precisely because religions seeped into domestic realms and expressions too.

  21. My readings of the unpublished works of Humeira Iqtidar, ‘The Islamist Challenge to Secularism's Universalism’ and ‘Jamaat-i-Islami Pakistan; Learning from the Opposition’, and of Faiza Mushtaq, ‘Al-Huda: New Forms of Islamic Education’, point towards this tendency (papers shared at the ‘Miskeen’ study group in Karachi). Others, such as those of Sadaf Aziz and Moeen Cheema, ‘Beyond Petition and Redress: Mixed Legality and Consent in Marriage for Women in Pakistan’, and of Moeen Cheema and Abdul Rahman, ‘From Hudood Ordinances to the Women's Protection Act’, papers presented at the Third Social Sciences Annual Conference at the Lahore University of Management Sciences, December 2007, look to tackle the woman question from a new perspective located entirely within Islamic jurisprudence. Amina Jamal's work and doctoral thesis similarly explores the potential of a ‘balanced modernity’ among right-wing women activists inspired by modern Islamic revivalism, http://www.amss.net/pdfs/35/abstracts/AminaJamal.pdf.

This list includes works not cited in the text, to give an indication of the wide range of feminist standpoints currently finding expression in Pakistan today.

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Acknowledgements

I am indebted to S. Akbar Zaidi for his meticulous reading of this paper and invaluable comments, particularly regarding the framework in which the argument is set. I benefit immensely from his continuous and patient counselling and friendship. I am also grateful to Nazish Brohi for her insights and the daily reflective sessions we share and which have found their way into this article.

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Zia, A. the reinvention of feminism in Pakistan. Fem Rev 91, 29–46 (2009). https://doi.org/10.1057/fr.2008.48

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