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From frontier economics to an ecological economics of the oceans and coasts

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Abstract

Ecological economics is a field of enquiry that has had, with a few exceptions, an almost entirely terrestrial focus. Given the fundamental ecological and economic importance of oceanic and coastal ecosystems, and the accelerating deterioration of these ecosystems, we argue that there is an urgent case to redress this imbalance. In so doing, the scope of ecological economics will be extended and compelling insights developed and applied to better understand and govern marine systems. Although we acknowledge that there is no unequivocal or unitary view of what might constitute an ecological economics of the oceans and coasts, we assert that it should consist of at least ‘four cornerstones’: (1) sustainability as the normative goal; (2) an approach that sees the socio-economic system as a sub-system of the global ecological system; (3) a complex systems approach; and (4) transdisciplinarity and methodological pluralism. Using these four cornerstones, we identify a future research agenda for an ecological economics of the oceans and coasts. Specifically, we conclude that ecological economists must work with other disciplines, especially those involved in marine policy and practice, to move from a ‘frontier economics’ (which has dominated marine management) to entrench an ‘ecological economics’ of the oceans and coasts as the dominant paradigm.

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Notes

  1. We use: (1) ‘oceans’ to refer to the seas and oceans below the low tide mark; (2) ‘coasts’ to refer to estuaries, mangroves, tidal marshes, seagrass beds, kelp forests, coral reefs, and beach shores above the low tide mark; and (3) ‘marine’ as a collective term referring to both oceans and coasts.

  2. This percentage refers to the surface area of the world’s coasts as defined by note 1. If the continental shelf is included in the definition of ‘coastal ecosystems’, then the percentage increases to 6.3 % of the earth’s surface (3267 × 106 ha) (Costanza et al. 1997).

  3. Data for these calculations are from Costanza et al. (1997, 1998), Field et al. (1998), Gattuso et al. (1998), and Falkowski et al. (2003).

  4. Costanza et al. (1997) calculated the total economic value of the world’s marine–coastal ecosystems for 1994 to be: open ocean (US$8.366 trillion), continental shelf (US$4.283 trillion), estuaries (US$4.110 trillion), seagrass and algal beds (US$3.801 trillion), coral reefs (US$0.375 trillion), and tidal marshes and mangroves (US$1.648 trillion). This adds up to US$22.597 trillion for all coastal and marine–coastal ecosystems. Patterson (2008, Table 3.1) further disaggregated these data to quantify the value (US$) of each type of ecosystem services derived from these marine–coastal ecosystems types.

  5. In 2003, 41 % of the global population lived within 100 km of the coast (Martínez et al. 2007), and in developed countries, wealthier people live in coastal areas (Agardy 2004), although this may not necessarily be true for developing countries. Assuming the coastal population throughout the world has a per capita income 10 % higher than average, we conclude that the GDP of the coastal economy could be as high as 48 % of the world’s economy (if there is a 10 % higher per capita income for coastal regions) or 44 % (assuming no difference in per capita income between coastal and non-coastal areas).

  6. Martinez-Alier (1987) also links the development of ecological economics to theorists such as Geddes, Clausius, and Soddy, who came from diverse disciplinary backgrounds ranging from town planning to thermodynamics.

  7. Although both neoclassical and ecological economists commonly use capital theory to define sustainability, this approach does have its critics (e.g., Faucheux et al. 1997). Furthermore, there is a view, particularly amongst ecological economists, that there is no one way to define sustainability. Lawn (2006) provides a comprehensive account of other definitions and of sustainability indicators advocated by ecological economists, in addition to those based on capital theory.

  8. Our propensity for spatial ‘discounting’ is even more problematic when it comes to the oceans than the better known ‘time discounting’ with which resource economists are often concerned. However, from a sustainability perspective, neither are virtuous—a Not In My Back Yard (NIMBY) attitude towards the disposing of wastes in the oceans (spatial discounting) is arguably just as ethically bankrupt as disregarding future generations (time discounting).

  9. Patterson (2008) presented a method for making visible the contributory value of species and processes that exist in nature but are not picked up by neoclassical valuation methods due to the lack of knowledge (ignorance) of either the survey respondents and/or survey designers.

  10. It is often asserted that ecological economics is, or should be, a ‘transdiscipline’ [e.g., Gill 1997; International Society for Ecological Economics (ISEE) 2006]. With respect, it is unlikely—and even arrogant to think—that any one discipline alone can transcend all others. Instead, ecological economists would do better to embrace transdisciplinary endeavors that involve working with other disciplines and, more importantly, they should remain or become open-minded.

  11. Neoclassical economics has been dominated by the well-known ‘scissors’ of Alfred Marshall (1842–1924), comprising supply (marginal cost) and demand (marginal utility) curves, with an equilibrium price where the two curves intersect and at which maximum net economic benefit is generated. This orthodox approach is rarely challenged and is widely applied to public policy issues, including ecological problems.

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    Murray Patterson & Bruce Glavovic

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Patterson, M., Glavovic, B. From frontier economics to an ecological economics of the oceans and coasts. Sustain Sci 8, 11–24 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11625-012-0168-2

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