Abstract
Not only has Nasyid music been successful in addressing questions about what it is to be a modern Muslim youth in Southeast Asia, reconciling piety with a “funky but shariah” consumerist lifestyle; it also has been expressive of political aspirations for a utopian-style communal society. This essay focuses on how, from the late 1980s to the mid-1990s, the Malaysian missionary movement Al-Arqam used nasyid music to articulate ideas of Muslim Malay modernity and on how nasyid music became one of the main interfaces to spread the Arqam message beyond its model villages. The focus is on Arqam’s main ensembles, Nadamurni and the Zikr, and, with the 1994 ban on Arqam’s activities, the celebrated pop group Raihan. Raihan’s sonic explorations into Muslim Malay modernity have challenged orthodox Islamic ideas, but also the entertainment industry and the secular Malaysian state at large. Nasyid culture provides us with an understanding of the larger changes that have occurred within Southeast Asian Islam, away from a previous Islamic revival and toward a post-Islamist chic and new cultural performances that successfully blend entertainment and education.
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Notes
I use the term Muslim Southeast Asia in reference to a not sharply delimited field of study that is primarily bound by religious affiliation. It connects Muslims living in the majority Muslim countries of Indonesia, Brunei, and Malaysia with smaller factions of populations living in Singapore, Southern Thailand, and the Southern Philippines. Most of these Southeast Asian Muslims are members of the Sunni branch within Islam, although musical traditions, in particular, still bear overt traces of Sufi influence. The very rich musical traditions of Muslim Southeast Asia remain relatively underresearched. A good introduction to the field may be found in the recent volume edited by Harnish and Rasmussen (2011), which predominantly covers music and Islam in Indonesia. Matusky and Tan (2004) contains references to Islamic genres in Malaysia, while Santos (1998) gives a general overview of the (not necessarily religious) musical traditions found in the Islamic communities of the Southern Philippines.
Multiple-modernities scholars traditionally have been interested in variation and continuity, criticizing what they see as the acultural idea of convergence held dear by many modernization theorists. The latter, mostly following the work of Talcott Parsons, have stressed the fundamental difference between the key institutions of premodern and modern formations, while being less interested in cultural or geographical variety as such. Volker Schmidt (2010) rightfully points out that both paradigms in fact focus on different (although related) phenomena, with adherents of the multiple-modernities paradigm being better equipped to study cultural variation, rather than looking at varieties within the political subsystem, as they have done so far. Similarly, most of the work on so-called Muslim modernities has focused on political aspects of Muslim societies, especially looking at the challenges of and for Islamist political parties in what lately many have come to consider an era of desecularization (but see Casanova 2011). Such is also the case in the otherwise excellent work of Göle (2000, 2002) and Çinar (2005).
What people think of as the modern, then, is never fixed but is continuously constructed in the transgression of prevailing time- and place-bound distinctions. In trying to capture such transgressions, some scholars have turned to the idea of articulation, meaning a “form of connection that can make a unity of two different elements, under certain conditions” (Hall et al. 1996). Stuart Hall’s use of articulation has been appropriated by scholars such as Grossberg, Milton, and, more recently, Clifford and Murray Li. Theories of articulation, are “attentive to how a plurality of voices sometimes harmonize and sometimes argue, how diverse speakers link various tropes and images from more or less common sources to announce competing claims” (Johnson 2008).
Elsewhere (Barendregt 2011), I describe how by coming into touch with the entertainment industry, nasyid increasingly incorporated more “poppy” influences—in particular, a boy band sound (and imagery) that was globally popular throughout the 1990s (see also Sarkissian 2005: 128). Similarly, Rasmussen (2010: 206) speaks of the appropriation of traditions from elsewhere, such as African-American quartet singing or barbershop musical influences.
And on numerous occasions, I have noticed that young Muslims neither familiar with the Malay nasyid sound nor understanding its language find it difficult to recognize the music as being Islamic.
For excellent studies of the development of and debates within the tarbiyah movement, see Machmudi (2008) on Indonesia and Roald (1994) on Malaysia. Roald (1994: 52) translates tarbiyah as “taking care of” or, more generally, “a lifelong process of upbringing,” mentioning how, for Muslims, it is the term most frequently linked to Islamic education. It is often interchangeably used with dakwah, denoting forms of missionary work and, in particular, educating fellow Muslims.
FBIS Daily Reports of October 5, 1991 states how the Malaysian Minister of Information was to send enforcement officers to the Arqam Sungai Penchala commune after hearing rumors that the movement was illegally operating a radio station, something permitted to national Radio Television Malaysia (RMT). An investigation proved that Arqam “only operated a studio which aired songs over loudspeakers for the commune members.” However, newspapers insisted that the movement was operating a radio station that broadcast information and the latest developments of the movement on the FM frequency.
Additionally, as Ahmad Fauzi (1998) describes, Darul Arqam’s Department of Information “organised exhibitions and a systematic network of printed and electronic media for internal and public consumption.”
In his studies, Ashaari dwells intensively on the characteristics of the youth of Bani Tanim, whose “female followers appear like black crows, while men wear turbans and green robes” (Ahmad Fauzi 2006), referring to the eye-catching Arqam attire.
See http://nasyidcafe.blogspot.com/2010, last accessed September 19, 2011. To cater to demands for Islamic forms of entertainment, Arqam’s Department of Culture established a training center for Islamic artists, the School of Islamic Culture and Arts (MAKSI, Madrasah Kebudayaan dan Seni Islam), which ultimately patronized the formation of 22 nasyid groups worldwide (Ahmad Fauzi 1998).
As early as the 1940s, nasyid, or nasjid Arab as it was labeled back then, was recorded on 78 RPM in what presumably was the Palembang area (personal communication, Peter Keppy, October 2010). The Malaysian female groups of the late 1960s and 1970s appear to be the first instance of nasyid also being disseminated among a wider public and outside the context of Koran reading and recitation contests. Lately, some of their recordings have been rereleased, such as on Warner Music’s Memori Hit Al Mizan & Hidayah (Warner Music Malaysia 518655220-2) or Orkes El Surayya, Medan; koleksi abadi 22 lagu-lagu nasyid, gambus & qasidah [The eternal collection, 22 nasyid, gambus and qasidah songs, Pelita Hati HSP 01347-2], showing how these groups were quite eclectic in their choice of various Islamic genres, although it is likely that such genre labels have only become functional in retrospect.
After the dismantlement of Nadamurni in 1995, both singers would continue “a musical carreer,” launching their own successful nasyid acts, Munif as founder and lead singer of Hijjaz. Upon Nadamurni’s dissolution, Ustaz Asri launched the nasyid act Rabanni, for which Sohibul Fadhi, one of the main OVA composers, did most of the musical arrangements. While both acts have turned away from the movement and any of its follow-ups, they at times still perform the classical Arqam repertory.
Personal communication, Waharp Yusoff, January 2010. Today, Yusoff, through his Telaga Biru label, is still responsible for the releases of many nasyid acts, including those of Hijjaz,
I would like to thank Dr. Mohd. Al Adib (Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia) for explaining the various dimensions of the song “Leader of Three Ranks” to me.
The word zikr originates from the Arabic language and has multiple meanings attached to it, such as “to say,” “remembrance,” or “good deeds” (Matusky and Tan 2004: 252). More generally, zikr refers to the Sufi performance of bodily gestures, reading (what is mostly) lines of the Quran, which is combined with an emotional inspiration that is to bring one close to God. The second album of the ensemble The Zikr, Antara 2 Cinta (“Between 2 Loves”), foreshadows the turbulent times awaiting both Arqam, and Ashaari, hinting at the latter’s self-imposed exile in Thailand. “Tika Abuya pulang” (“When Father returns”) was written by singer Nazrey Johani just before Arqam was to be outlawed by a fatwa. It tells how Ashaari’s followers will eagerly await him in his beloved country and how, upon his return, Malaysia will change in appearance, since it is he who will do away with all corruption and falsity (I owe this information to Asyraff Hafdzan Abdullah).
As such, the majority of songs would later also be incorporated into albums of other Arqam-related acts such as, Hijjaz or the new rising stars of the student ensemble SaffOne and In-Team. The song “Mengemis kasih” would later be recycled for the 2002 Raihan album Gema alam, and so was the song “Sifat 20.”
The album Secerah Pawana was recently (2010) digitally remastered and rereleased on CD by KL-based In Team Records (Warner Music/In-Team Records 9555451101185).
Among the members who made both The Zikr and Raihan popular were front man Zarie Ahmad, who died in 2001, Abu Bakar, and lead singer and Sabah-born Nazrey Johani, a Christian whose family had converted to Islam and who had attended an Arqam boarding school.
Listen to the album Gema Alam (“Echoes of the Universe,” 2002) for a gospel-inspired choir in the song “Tanya Ibu dan Ayah” (“Ask Mother and Father”). On the 2005 album Ameen, they recorded the English language song “Do You Know Him?” with the London-based Muslim hip hop act Mecca2Medina.
Che Amran told me that initially, they had liked the script, written by their former manager, Farihin, very much. Part of the disappointment seems to have been caused by the fact that the film was heavily edited and cut down in length from approximately 3 h to a mere 1.5 h by Metrowealth, the company responsible for its release (interview with Che Amran, Kuala Lumpur, January 2011). It was Metrowealth’s first but not last release, since almost 30 others would follow, including those with Islamic themes.
The song has since been recorded by numerous other artists, including rock singer turned ustaz Akhil Hay, Indonesian “poster preacher” Jefry Al-Bukhori, and Indonesian singer of Hadhramaut descent Hadad Alwi.
Raihan was not the only Malaysian group to make a full-feature nasyid film. The third generation group (after the early Arqam groups and Arqam offshoots such as Hijjaz, Rabbani, and Raihan) U.N.I.C. made nasyid big on campuses and among an increasing audience of campus Islamists. Their See you di IPT (“See You at High School”) was, in fact, a nasyid high school drama. Other groups, such as the Indonesian nasyid ensemble SNada, have used futuristic images similar to those portrayed in Syukur21 in their video clips. Their 2003 song Neo shalawat, which borrows the SF imagery of the Matrix trilogy, is a good case in point.
In 2006, Malaysia launched a 2.73-million-dollar hub as part of its efforts to become a global center for exporting halal products. Malaysia apparently is the only country in the world where certification is done by the government (http://halalguide.org/, Last accessed December 2011). Fischer (2008) gives a more thorough description of this development that is both reflected upon and amplified by local halal lifestyle magazines such as the Halal Journal, a trade and business publication serving the global halal marketplace.
In the last 3 years, a number of so-called tribute albums were released with former Arqam songs (previously recorded by Nadamurni and The Zikr). Besides Nazrey’s Nasyid Nostalgia (2008, EMI/In-Team Records), these albums include nasyid ensemble Hijjaz (whose lead singer Munif had been part of Nadamurni) with Nostalgia Lagenda Nadamurni (2008, HRSB 9555380701142), and In-Team records Koleksi Top Hits Nadamurni (2009, Warner Music/In-Team Records 9555451101147) and rerelease of The Zikr’s 1996 album Secerah Pawana (Warner Music/In-Team Records 9555451101185).
This term first emerged in the 1980s software industry referring to CD-ROMs used in teaching and making use of entertainment. Later on, other media appeared, such as television programs, films, and music, with a similar blend of entertainment and education. Raihan was one of the first nasyid acts to use the term, although similar approaches, much in line with Islamist dakwah activities, are used by other Malaysian and Indonesian ensembles. One of the better known is the Yogyakarta-based nasyid ensemble Justice Voice, which even developed its own Nasyid Goes to School program.
Named after the Holy Book’s sura 25 “Discernment” and actually a reference to the Quran’s powers in distinguishing between good and evil.
Again, these four youngsters remind us greatly of the original Power Rangers, with each having not only a favorite color superhero attire, but also their own super abilities and spare time activities (with, funnily enough, only one of the boys, Naz, counting singing and writing songs among his hobbies).
Also Sabariah Abdullah of Saba Islamic Media explains the Rangerz to be “a mission and vision,” much as every devout Muslim is supposed to have, working toward the betterment of the planet and mankind. There are indeed quite a few local comic books now for sale, since there are plenty of imported characters on the market, but the Rangerz mission “is not just entertainment; it also serves a higher goal; it is healthy, moralizing, scientific and, Insha’Allah, Islamic” (foreword, Raihan Rangerz, episode 1).
The Ana Muslim magazine, with a targeted audience of 9- to 14-year-olds, is published by the Kuala Lumpur based Ana Muslim Distributors group that was launched in 2006. Besides publishing two other magazines or komik pendidik (“educational cartoons”), Sayang Muslim (4- to 8-year-olds) and Adik Muslim (7–10 years), their online shop sells hip Muslim fashion, especially for girls, and all sorts of Muslim goodies. The pun in “Ana Muslim,” referring to both a Muslim “child” (anak in Malay language) and “I am Muslim,” is probably intended.
Genius Aulad is one of the many production houses and educational facilities that have entered the market for Muslim edutainment, combining an emphasis on English speech, drama, and Islamic values. The products of Genius Aulad range from Islamic preschool services, publications for Islamic preschoolers, and edutainment in the form of video and album productions for young Muslims. The company, according to their Web site, was created with the belief that “by helping our young Muslims to connect with their inner truth as a Khalifah (“leader”; here, probably “guidance”) of Allah and helping them to really understand who they are, we can enrich their lives and the lives of their families, and in turn this will make a positive impact on our society and the world in which we live” (www.geniusaulad.com.my/, last accessed September 2011).
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Acknowledgments
Research for this article was made possible by the Netherlands Organisation for Scientific Research (NWO) and undertaken in the framework of a Leiden-based research project. This 4-year project, “Articulation of Modernity,” offers new ways of studying peninsular Southeast Asia by foregrounding the circulation of popular music, ideas, and technologies that historically took and still take place among the region’s cosmopolitan centers. This contribution is based on a chapter for a forthcoming book on the subject of nasyid. I would like to express my gratitude here to the two anonymous reviewers providing some very useful comments and suggestions to an earlier draft, as well as to the editors of this theme issue, who organized a wonderful and much appreciated September 2011 workshop at Lund University. A final word of thanks is directed to the board of the Institute of Ethnic Studies (KITA) of the National University of Malaysia, which provided me with the facilities to gather most of the fieldwork materials provided here.
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Barendregt, B. Sonic discourses on Muslim Malay modernity: The Arqam sound. Cont Islam 6, 315–340 (2012). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11562-012-0221-z
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11562-012-0221-z