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Gradualism and uncertainty in international union formation: The European Community’s first enlargement

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Abstract

This paper introduces a new theoretical framework of international unions qua coalitions of countries adopting a common policy and common supranational institutions. I make use of a three-country spatial bargaining game of coalition formation, in order to examine the endogenous strategic considerations in the creation and enlargement of international unions. Why would we observe a gradualist approach in the formation of the grand coalition even if the latter is assumed to be weakly efficient? I propose asymmetric information about the benefits of integration as a mechanism that can generate gradual union formation in equilibrium. As it turns out, it may well be in the ‘core’ countries’ interest to delay the accession of a third, ‘peripheral’ country in order to (1) stack the institutional make-up of the initial union in their favor and (2) signal their high resolve to wait out the expansion of their bilateral subunion. A related case from the European experience provides an interesting illustration.

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Notes

  1. Adding special interests and preference heterogeneity within countries gives rise to the possibility of strategic delegation and cross-country popular alliances and is more conducive to the liberal intergovernmentalist approach to regional integration and national preference formation (Moravcsik 1997). This nuanced analytical perspective is much more pervasive among economists in the political economics literature on regional integration (see for example Brou and Ruta 2006).

  2. My case study on the EEC’s first enlargement in the 1960s and early 1970s analyzes for example the various policy shifts that took place despite the continuous dominant presence of Gaullists in power (initially General Charles de Gaulle himself followed by his ideological heir and successor, Georges Pompidou). Of course, the assumption of continuity in economic and political integration policy across partisan lines is just an analytical simplification, not an empirical iron law. Gruber (2000), however, provides a theoretical explanation for the scant evidence of radical policy shifts with respect to decisions to accede to and/or secede from international regimes by ideologically distinct governments.

  3. See Downs and Rocke (1995) for a comprehensive analysis of the role of uncertainty in international cooperation.

  4. On federalism or supranationalism as a compliance problem see Bednar (2007).

  5. Gruber (2000) is critical of the neoliberal-neorealist consensus on the Pareto efficiency of international regimes and is mostly interested in the winners vs. losers dimension of international cooperation, arguing that it is often the case (citing NAFTA and the European Monetary System as his primary examples) that some late signatory countries to such regimes are better off in an autarchic status quo ante of no cooperation than their current state of wider integration. However, the status quo ante has been removed from their choice set by the fait accomplit of partial integration, thereby rendering the costs of joining an existing international cooperation agreement lower than those of staying out.

  6. For a brief survey of economic theories of (dis)integration see Ruta (2005).

  7. The Center for Economic Policy Research issues yearly reports on various issues of European integration providing the opportunity for political economists to contribute to policy-making debates relating to the European Union (see for example Dewatripont et al. 1995 and Berglöf et al. 2003).

  8. As in Padoan (1997), a political union is basically viewed as an ‘economic club’ that yields excludable and indivisible benefits, given that any such synergistic relationship between sovereign nation-states is embedded within a broader environment of economic interdependence through trade and the exchange of people, ideas, and factors of production (which is the standard view of the engine of integration in post-WWII Western Europe).

  9. Unlike earlier models in coalition theory, recent non-axiomatic work on coalition formation with externalities does not necessarily predict the emergence of the grand coalition (unlike the cooperative solution concepts of the core and the Shapley value).

  10. Since countries are assumed to be symmetric with respect to economic and population size, this is a reasonable assumption. Making the autarchic reservation utility different across players would not affect the structure of the equilibrium, just their relative bargaining leverage and, in consequence, their final payoffs.

  11. Under autarchy, each country retains full sovereignty over the determination of its own domestic policy by democratic means. Assuming single-peakedness, the ideal point of the median country representative m i is the only Condorcet winner in any pairwise election (or referendum). The no-policy-externalities assumption implies that the autarchic, ‘go-it-alone’ payoff of a country does not depend on the entire coalition structure, i.e., whether the other two players coalesce or not. See Maskin (2004) for an axiomatic extension of the Shapley value solution concept allowing for coalition externalities and partition functions.

  12. Note that, by using this simple linear functional form, I effectively impose risk-neutrality; therefore, risk aversion will not factor into the results. The common exogenous benefit of integration y c enters utility as an additive component that is orthogonal to the ideological policy dimension. This essentially represents the economies of scale property of policy centralization within international unions.

  13. For example, the lower bound on the set of permissible values for y ABC implies that extreme countries A and C may only form a bilateral union with moderate country B at their ideal points in a subgame-perfect Nash equilibrium, thus ruling out subgames of partial coalition-formation at intermediate policy positions.

  14. I, hence, abstract away from the possibility that participation in a union at an earlier time enhances one’s proposal prerogative at subsequent enlargement negotiations. This could make for an alternative rationale for gradualism, by incentivizing early participation through enhanced bargaining leverage in subsequent enlargement negotiations. Roberts (1999) presents a related dynamic model of clubs with endogenous membership.

  15. Note that this term should not be mistaken as unconditional on the past history of play (which will certainly not be the case in the proposed equilibrium). What it basically means is that a proposal may not be extended only to a specific proposed coalition, but should be available to all players. This is just a technical assumption that simplifies the proposal strategy set to X, rather than 2 N × X as in the case of offers conditional on the proposed coalition c є 2N\ ∅. With conditional offers, proposals get implemented if and only if all parties of the proposed coalition concur. Gomes (1999) teases out the implications of allowing both conditional and unconditional offers for efficiency and concludes that inefficient delay can be significant in superadditive games with small discount factors, once unconditional offers have been ruled out.

  16. This assumption is closely related to Seidmann and Winter’s (1998) concept of irreversibility of coalition agreements, which once agreed upon become immediately enforced allowing the contracting parties to reap the related payoffs. Their implicit assumption is that the fixed costs of divesting a coalition agreement are so high that the latter becomes an enforceable outside option in the bargaining process.

  17. This assumption essentially reflects the unanimity requirement for EU enlargement and treaty amendment.

  18. Seidmann and Winter (1998) offer an excellent theoretical account of the concepts of immediate vs. gradual as well as partial vs. comprehensive coalition formation.

  19. Note that there is multiplicity of subgame-perfect Nash equilibria given that there can be more than one Nash equilibria in weakly undominated strategies in several subgames, where (no, no) and (yes, yes) can both be mutual best responses to an existing proposal. Credible out-of-equilibrium threats to coordinate on a Pareto suboptimal autarchic outcome may condition the optimal proposal strategy at each stage of the game.

  20. Since proposal strategies only consist of unconditional policy proposals not directed to specific coalition partners, it would be trivial to show that coalition AC may never form in a partial subgame-perfect Nash equilibrium, since by necessity moderate country B would also want to join.

  21. The synergistic benefits of integration are often hard to observe and quantify; hence, it would be plausible to assume that governments are willing to invest in technocratic expertise (expert commissions, technical reports) only with regard to international policy arrangements that affect them directly.

  22. An equivalent interpretation of this type of private information is that the representative of any country k does not know with certainty the level of his/her country’s marginal contribution y ABC  − y ij , k ≠ i, j to the grand coalition. To make a clarifying analogy, think of the level of a country’s marginal contribution to the grand coalition as a poker hand; then this formulation of the game is tantamount to a game of poker where the players hold their cards against their forehead so that everyone else can see them but themselves.

  23. The analysis of the ‘mirror image’ partial integration subgame with existing coalition structure A|BC(m C ) is very similar and is, hence, omitted.

  24. Note that a condition for the existence of the proposed equilibrium in pure strategies is that any country will accept a policy proposal if indifferent between accepting and rejecting. Moreover, in equilibrium, any country will always opt for the larger coalition if indifferent between coalitions of different size.

  25. The number of distinct policy proposals that may be elicited in this perfect Bayesian equilibrium is limited by the number of players and potential subcoalitions.

  26. It is clear from the above analysis that \(\hat x^C \left( \delta \right) \geqslant m_C - y_{ABC} \), otherwise for \(m_{A} \leqslant \widehat{x}^{C} {\left( \delta \right)} < m_{C} - y_{{ABC}} \) C would never want to participate in a grand union ABC whose ideological make-up is so far skewed to the left that it yields less than its reservation utility of 0 throughout both periods (since it would not be able to amend it at time t = 1).

  27. Note that, despite the fact that country B shares the same private information as A, I have omitted its response to A’s first-period proposal from the signaling mechanism, taking its acceptance for granted. In light of its moderate ideological position on the real line vis-à-vis the other two actors, the representative of country B would always accept a compromising grand union proposal \(x_0^{A * } = \hat x\left( \delta \right)\). However, it would only accept the gradualist equilibrium proposal \(x_0^{A * } = m_A \) for m C high enough and/or δ low enough. In either case, its pooling acceptance strategy does not provide an informative signal to C. Otherwise, A would have to moderate its initial gradualist proposal to the extent that B is just indifferent between \(\left\langle {AB\left( {x_0^A } \right)\left| C \right.,ABC\left( {x_{ABC} } \right)} \right\rangle \) and \(\left\langle {A\left| B \right.\left| C \right.,ABC\left( {x_{ABC} } \right)} \right\rangle \).

  28. For a concise literature review of approaches to the study of European integration see Hix (1994, 1998).

  29. By contrast, the devastating effects of the Second World War on Germany’s economic infrastructure, international credibility, and morale dictated a more passive approach to restoring its international status through the medium of international political and economic cooperation.

  30. For an account of France’s leading role in the negotiations of the Treaty of Paris (1951), the Messina Conference (1955), and the Treaty of Rome, see Moravcsik (1998).

  31. See Gstöhl (2002) for an analysis of EC-EFTA relations.

  32. It should be noted that the Treaty of Rome did not specify any particular bargaining protocol for future accession negotiations other than that any enlargement decisions had to be agreed upon by unanimity (Art. 237).

  33. Here is a translated excerpt from his press conference as quoted in Ludlow 1997, p. 207: “England is, indeed, insular and maritime, linked by her trade, her markets and her food supplies to diverse and often far-flung countries. She works primarily in industry and commerce, and hardly at all in agriculture. She has, in all her patterns of work, habits and traditions [,] which are highly distinctive and original. In short, the nature, the structure, the economic situation that characterize England, differ profoundly from the Continent. How then could England, as she lives, as she produces, as she trades, be incorporated into the Common Market as it was conceived and as it works?”

  34. As evidenced by the signing of the bilateral Elysée Treaty shortly after de Gaulle’s press conference in January 1963, which remains until today a strong symbol of French-German rapprochement in the 1960s.

  35. Even though the acquis needs to be fully accepted and implemented by all new Community members, the single policy bargaining dimension in the model may be construed as the ‘institutional terms of accession’ to a union or, in other words, the degree of flexibility in the expansion country’s adjustment to an existing body of legislation (e.g. through derogation clauses and transitional periods). This is why accession to an already formed and institutionalized union is not treated as a dichotomous decision to fully accept or reject the acquis as it is. Another way to rationalize the unidimensionality of the enlargement bargaining process is that it captures the degree of influence upon the character and institutional design of the enlarged union afforded to new members.

  36. See N. Piers Ludlow (1997) for a detailed analysis of the relationship between the UK and the EEC in the 1960s.

  37. After all, the issue of membership expansion was commonly referred to as the ‘English Question’ effectively suggesting that the first wave of enlargement could only take place with the participation of Britain.

  38. The following quote (Ludlow 2006, p. 138) by General de Gaulle is quite indicative on this point: “Either it will have to be recognized that their [the British] entry into the Common Market, with all the exceptions that would inevitably accompany it, with all the quantitative and qualitative changes that it would entail, and with the participation of multiple other states that would certainly be its corollary, would amount to the establishment of an entirely new entity, all but erasing that which has been built. And where, then, would this lead us other perhaps than the creation of a type of European free trade area, which would in turn lead to an Atlantic zone that would deprive our continent of any real personality.”

  39. See, for example, Vaïsse 1998, de la Serre 1992.

  40. Models of ‘variable geometry’, such as the concentric circles approach proposed by Karl Lamers and the eccentric circles approach proposed by Edouard Balladur, essentially distinguish between a core and a periphery of countries integrating over overlapping and non-overlapping jurisdictions and subunions. In addition, generalized subsidiarity and open partnerships refer to a model of flexible integration put forward by Dewatripont et al. (1995) that advocates the need for commitment to a common base of integration, allowing at the same time for discretion on the part of member-states to experiment and engage in optional new forms of cooperation in other policy areas.

  41. Reluctance (or inability) on the part of candidate-members to pledge full adherence to the existing acquis points to the adoption of more flexible modes of enlargement in the future by manner of ‘privileged partnership’ agreements and a more inclusive European Neighborhood Policy (http://ec.europa.eu/world/enp/index_en.htm). Quoting Enlargement Commissioner Olli Rehn in his recent speech at the Finnish Institute of International Affairs (October 27, 2006): “By keeping our word and sticking firmly to the accession perspective, we can create a virtuous circle of credible commitment, rigorous conditionality, and reinforced reforms.”

  42. Etro (2002) has analyzed the model with three countries and spillovers in international policy coordination and has found that, if union policy is characterized by strategic complementarities, then the grand union is much more likely to form than in the case of strategic substitutabilities.

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Acknowledgement

I would like to thank John Londregan, Andrew Moravcsik, and Adam Meirowitz for their invaluable guidance as well as Kristopher Ramsay, Marco Battaglini, Andrea Vindigni, Thomas Romer, Thomas Palfrey, and two anonymous referees for their helpful comments and suggestions. I have also greatly benefited from personal discussions with Paola Conconi, Abdul Noury, Micael Castanheira, André Sapir, Paul Magnette, and Jean Pisani-Ferry while at ECARES/ULB and helpful feedback during my presentations at APSA 2006, MPSA 2007, the CESifo Venice Summer Institute Workshop on ‘Reinventing Europe’ (2007), and the KOF-ETH Political Economy of International Organizations Conference (2008). Finally, I would like to thank the Alexander S. Onassis Public Benefit Foundation for their financial support during the time of writing.

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Correspondence to Nikitas Konstantinidis.

Appendix

Appendix

Proposition 1

For any δ ∈ [0,1] and y c  ≥ 0, c ∈ 2 N \∅ subject to assumptions 1, 2, and 3, there can be no gradual coalition-formation path in any subgame-perfect Nash equilibrium of the baseline game with complete information.

Proof

To characterize the subgame-perfect Nash equilibria of this bargaining game, we first need to define the players’ proposal and acceptance strategies, such that they satisfy sequential rationality in every subgame. Following a common policy proposal \(x_t^\iota \) by proposer ι ∈ {A,B,C} at time t = 0, 1, then players j,k ≠ ι need to simultaneously decide whether to accept or reject. Depending on the proposal and the underlining parameters of the model, accepting may be a (weakly) dominant strategy or just a best response. In a subgame-perfect Nash equilibrium, the acceptance strategies are characterized by conditional and unconditional acceptance sets defined for ι ≠ j ≠ k as follows:

$${\text{Conditional acceptance sets}}:\quad \quad CA_t^j \left( {\pi _t ,y_{ij} ,y_{jk} } \right) = \left\{ {x_t^\iota :V_t^j \left( {\alpha _t^j \left( {x_t^\iota } \right) = 1} \right) \geqslant V_t^j \left( {\alpha _t^j \left( {x_t^\iota } \right) = 0} \right)\left| {\alpha _t^k \left( {x_t^\iota } \right)} \right. = 1} \right\}$$
$${\text{Unconditional acceptance sets}}:\quad UA_t^j \left( {\pi _t ,y_{ij} ,y_{jk} } \right) = \left\{ {x_t^\iota :V_t^j \left( {\alpha _t^j \left( {x_t^\iota } \right) = 1} \right) \geqslant V_t^j \left( {\alpha _t^j \left( {x_t^\iota } \right) = 0} \right),\forall \alpha _t^k \left( {x_t^\iota } \right)} \right\}$$

In light of our assumption of weak superadditivity, it quite obvious that \(UA_t^j \subseteq CA_t^j \), ∀t, π t , j, k ≠ ι, since the marginal contribution of any additional member to the orthogonal worth of a coalition can only be positive. Moreover, given the unidimensionality of the model and the linearity of the utility functions, these acceptance sets are convex and compact.

The simultaneity of the acceptance game gives rise to a multiplicity of equilibria in subgames with common policy proposals \(x_t^\iota \in \left( {CA_t^j \cap CA_t^k } \right)\backslash \left( {UA_t^j \cup UA_t^k } \right)\), ι ≠ j, k, i.e., such that pure acceptance is only a best response but not a dominant strategy for either non-proposing player j or k. This implies that an action profile of (no, no) would also constitute a pure Nash equilibrium in such a proposal subgame, albeit Pareto (weakly) dominated by the (yes, yes) equilibrium profile. The indeterminacy of such coordination voting games generates a continuum of subgame-perfect Nash equilibria, whereby the proposer’s optimal proposal is conditioned by the responders’ mutually reinforced expectations of equilibrium play in any proposal subgame with two distinct pure strategy Nash equilibria. This gives rise to the possibility of credible rejection threats by the responders for such proposed common policies that make them both better off if and only if the grand coalition ABC forms.

Now turning to optimal proposal strategies, subgame-perfection and the underlying coalition value parameters of the game, i.e., y c  ≥ 0, ∀c ∈ 2N\∅, would imply that in equilibrium no autarchic player would make a common policy proposal that would never be acceptable to either of his/her coalition partners. There always exists a potential non-singleton coalition which any country i prefers to the autarchic state. However, the content of that proposal can determine the size of the proposer’s optimally preferred coalition at time t and for given coalition structure π t .

Gradual coalition-formation in this model occurs whenever a player joins an existing coalition in the second period of bargaining or any new coalition forms after a first-period bargaining impasse. To show that gradualism may not arise in any subgame-perfect Nash equilibrium of the complete-information workhorse model, I examine each possible coalition-formation-path and then use proof by contradiction:

  1. 1.

    Let π t =0 = {A|B|C}, i.e., no coalition has formed after the first round of bargaining for some δ ∈ [0,1] and some first-period proposer ι t =0 ∈ {A,B,C}. Then in any subgame-perfect equilibrium, for given conjectures about play off the equilibrium path, proposer ι t=1 will propose some common policy to players j, k ≠ ι such that

    $$x_1^{\iota * } = \mathop {\arg \max }\limits_{x_t^\iota } \left\{ {y_{j:\alpha _1^{j * } \left( {x_1^\iota } \right) = 1} - \left| {x_1^\iota - m_\iota } \right|\left| {x_1^\iota \in \left( {CA_1^{j * } \cap CA_1^{k * } } \right)} \right. \cup \left( {UA_1^{j * } \cup UA_1^{k * } } \right)} \right\},j \ne k \ne \iota .$$

    Depending on the coalition values of the underlying cooperative structure, the proposer will choose the best possible two-country or three-country coalition in accordance with sequential rationality and subgame perfection. Note that the non-proposing players j and k may only threaten to coordinate on a suboptimal (no, no) equilibrium for \(x_1^\iota \in \left( {CA_1^{j * } \cap CA_1^{k * } } \right)\backslash \left( {UA_1^{j * } \cup UA_1^{k * } } \right)\), since any policy proposal within a player’s unconditional acceptance set will surely be accepted in equilibrium (dominant strategy). Using backwards induction, one may infer the players’ optimal acceptance sets in the first period in anticipation of equilibrium play in the second period. If second-period acceptance sets are non-empty, then so are first-period sets. Hence, because of intertemporal discounting and random recognition, it would never be optimal for the first-period proposer to make a proposal unacceptable to either coalition partner, since that would imply foregoing the immediate benefits of coalition formation as well as one’s proposal prerogative. First-period acceptance sets are always non-empty even for very low values of bilateral coalition formation (y AB , y BC , y AC ), since we know by assumption that there always exists a non-degenerate set of policies such that the grand coalition ABC is always Pareto superior to the autarchic state; therefore, autarchy may not persist as a first-period bargaining outcome within any subgame-perfect Nash equilibrium.

  2. 2.

    Now let π t =0 = {AB(x AB )|C}, i.e., partial union AB has formed after round one at some common policy within the Pareto set [m A , m B ] of coalition AB. That can only be the outcome of a first-period proposal by A, such that \(x_0^{A * } = \mathop {\arg \max }\limits_{x_0^A } \left\{ {V_0^{A * } \left( {x_0^A } \right)\left| {x_0^A \in UA_0^B \backslash CA_0^C } \right.} \right\}\), since B’s subgame-perfect first-period proposal of m B would have been accepted by both A and C. We need to show that ABC(x ABC ) cannot be the outcome of the second round of bargaining in a subgame-perfect NE for any x AB , x ABC , and δ. Assume by contradiction that π t =1 = {ABC(x ABC )}. Subgame perfection would imply that x ABC  ≥ m C  − y ABC (C’s participation constraint) and x ABC  ≤ y ABC  − y AB  + x AB (A’s participation constraint). For the grand coalition unanimity acceptance set to be non-empty, we need that x AB  ≥ m C  + y AB  − 2y ABC (*). This effectively rules out any x AB  < m C  − 2y ABC as possible equilibrium first-period proposals. We proceed to prove the contradiction by showing that profitable deviations exist for any other possible x AB :

    1. a.

      Let x AB  ∈ [m C  − 2y ABC , m A ): this is a Pareto-dominated set of proposal for both A and B, since both would be unambiguously better off with a proposed policy of x AB = m A ; it is not only closer to their ideal positions, but it also enhances their bargaining leverage vis-à-vis C by shrinking the ABC Pareto set.

    2. b.

      Let x AB  = m A : from (*) this implies that y AB  ≤ 2y ABC  − (m C  − m A ). For low types y AB  ∈ [0, y ABC  − (m B  − m A )), the contradiction follows by showing that \(V^{A}_{0} {\left( {{\left\langle {ABC{\left( {x^{ * }_{{ABC}} } \right)},ABC{\left( {x^{ * }_{{ABC}} } \right)}} \right\rangle }} \right)} \geqslant EV^{A}_{0} {\left( {{\left\langle {AB{\left( {m_{A} } \right)}\left| C \right.,ABC{\left( {x^{{j * }}_{1} } \right)}} \right\rangle }} \right)}\), ∀δ, y ABC , where the expectation is taken over the identity of the proposer j at t = 1 (hence \(x_1^{j * } \) is ex ante unknown in equilibrium) and \(x_{ABC}^ * = \mathop {\arg \max }\limits_{x_0^A } \left\{ {V_0^A \left( {x_0^A } \right)\left| {\alpha _0^{j * } } \right.\left( {x_0^A } \right) = 1,\forall j \ne A,x_0^A \in X} \right\}\). A simple algebraic calculation shows that this holds for any y AB within the above interval. Hence, A would have an incentive to deviate to a better proposal given the subgame-perfect acceptance strategies of B and C. Similarly, for intermediate types y AB  ∈ [y ABC  − (m B  − m A ),2y ABC  − (m C  − m A )], there always exists a globally acceptable, Pareto efficient grand coalition first-period proposal \(x_{ABC}^ * \) that makes A weakly better off compared to the gradual coalition-formation subgame. Going through all the possible subgames and subcases for y AB  ∈ [y ABC  − (m B  − m A ),2y ABC  − (m C  − m A )] and δ ∈ [0,1], it turns out that for \(x_{ABC}^ * = m_A + y_{ABC} - y_{AB} - \varepsilon \), ε ≥ 0, there always exists an ε ≥ 0 such that the following conditions are satisfied:

      1. i.

        \(V_0^A \left( {x_0^A = x_{ABC}^ * } \right) \geqslant EV_0^A \left( {x_0^A = m_A } \right)\) (A’s optimization problem)

      2. ii.

        \(x_{ABC}^ * \in UA_0^{B * } \cap CA_0^{C * } \) (B and C’s mutual acceptance forms a Nash equilibrium)

      3. iii.

        \(x_{ABC}^ * = m_A + y_{ABC} - y_{AB} - \varepsilon \geqslant m_C - y_{ABC} \) (C’s participation constraint)

  3. c.

    Finally, for any x AB  > m A it would be enough to show that, given that only B will accept, i.e., \(x_{AB} \in UA_0^{B * } \backslash CA_0^{C * } \), A would profit from deviating to a proposal \(x_0^{A * } = \mathop {\arg \max }\limits_{x_0^A } \left\{ {V_0^A \left( {x_0^A } \right)\left| {x_0^A \in UA_0^{B * } } \right.\backslash CA_0^{C * } } \right\}\), i.e., the one closest possible to m A , such that only country B would accept. Indeed, this is a profitable deviation, since it would bring both immediate policy gains and enhanced second-period bargaining leverage (because of a restricted grand coalition Pareto set). For some \(x_0^A \geqslant x_{ABC}^ * \geqslant m_C - y_{ABC} \), subgame perfection and sequential rationality also imply that C should also have accepted A’s first-period proposal.

  4. 3.

    Now let π t =0 = {A|BC(x BC )}, i.e., partial union BC has formed after round one (following a proposal by country C). Using a similar reasoning as above, the assumption that π t =1 = {ABC(x ABC )} leads to a contradiction, since that coalition-formation path cannot be part of a subgame-perfect Nash equilibrium.

  5. 4.

    Finally the case of π t =0 = {AC(x AC )|B} may never arise in equilibrium, since either A’s or C’s unconditional acceptance of each other’s policy proposals implies that the median country B is always better off accepting too. QED

Proposition 2

In the two-period bargaining game with asymmetric information there exists a perfect Bayesian Nash equilibrium, whereby the representative of either of the extreme countries i  = A or C will propose \(x_0^{i * } = m_i \) at time t = 0 if and only if \(y_{iB} \in \left( {\tilde y_{iB} ,y_{ABC} } \right]\) for some \(\tilde y_{AB} \in \left[ {y_{ABC} - \left( {m_B - m_A } \right),2y_{ABC} - \left( {m_C - m_A } \right)} \right]\) or \(\tilde y_{BC} \in \left[ {y_{ABC} - \left( {m_C - m_B } \right),2y_{ABC} - \left( {m_C - m_A } \right)} \right]\) , in which case coalition AB (or BC respectively) will form right away and may later expand to the grand coalition ABC at time t = 1 with strictly positive probability. Otherwise, for \(y_{iB} \in \left[ {0,\tilde y_{iB} } \right]\) , i = A or C will propose \(x_0^{i * } = \hat x^j \left( \delta \right)\) such that j ≠ i, j = A, C is just indifferent between accepting and rejecting at time t = 0, in which case the grand coalition ABC will form immediately. If median country B gets to propose first, then all its types will pool on an equilibrium proposal \(x_0^{B * } = m_B \) , which will lead to the immediate formation of the grand coalition.

Proof

Having characterized how the proposed equilibrium plays out in the subgames, where A is the first-period proposer, I will now proceed to derive the equilibrium threshold type \(\tilde y_{iB} \) for either extreme country i = A, C as the first-period proposer. Lemma 1 below completes the characterization by deriving the threshold point \(\tilde x_0^i \left( \delta \right)\), i = A, C and the corresponding compromising first-period proposal \(\hat x^j \left( \delta \right)\), j = A, C, j ≠ i.

The unique threshold type \(\tilde y_{AB} \) has to be such that the representative of country A would be ex ante indifferent between the immediate \(\left\langle {ABC\left( {\hat x^C } \right),ABC\left( {\hat x^C } \right)} \right\rangle \) and the gradualAB(m A )|C, ABC(x ABC )〉 equilibrium coalition formation paths. Hence, to ensure the incentive-compatible truthful revelation of types at t = 0 within the context of the above semi-separating equilibrium, the cutoff type \(\tilde y_{AB} \in \left[ {y_{ABC} - \left( {m_B - m_A } \right),2y_{ABC} - \left( {m_C - m_A } \right)} \right]\) for country A will have to satisfy the following incentive constraint:

$$\begin{aligned} V_0^A \left( {x_0^A = m_A \left| {y_{AB} } \right. = \tilde y_{AB} } \right) = V_0^A \left( {x_0^A = \hat x^C \left| {y_{AB} } \right. = \tilde y_{AB} } \right) \Leftrightarrow \\ \tilde y_{AB} + \frac{\delta }{3}\left[ {2y_{ABC} - \left( {m_C - m_A } \right) + \tilde y_{AB} + m_A - \frac{{m_A + m_C - \tilde y_{AB} }}{2} + y_{ABC} } \right] = \left( {1 + \delta } \right)\left[ {m_A - \hat x^C + y_{ABC} } \right] \Leftrightarrow \\ \tilde y_{AB} = m_A + \frac{\delta }{{2 + \delta }}m_C - \frac{{2\left( {1 + \delta } \right)}}{{2 + \delta }}\hat x^C + \frac{2}{{2 + \delta }}y_{ABC} \\ \end{aligned} $$
(2)

In order to derive the above expression for \(\tilde y_{AB} \), I make use of the optimal proposal and acceptance strategies in the second-period subgames analyzed in the model and also of the fact that the lowest of high types \(\tilde y_{AB} \) will always accept C’s second-period proposal \(x_1^{C * } = \frac{{m_A + m_C - \tilde y_{AB} }}{2}\) with certainty. Also note that each second-period subgame equilibrium utility is discounted by a factor \({\raise0.7ex\hbox{$\delta $} \!\mathord{\left/ {\vphantom {\delta 3}}\right.\kern-\nulldelimiterspace}\!\lower0.7ex\hbox{$3$}}\) reflecting temporal discounting and equal recognition probabilities. Given the spatial location of \(\hat x^C \left( \delta \right) \in \left[ {m_C - y_{ABC} ,m_B } \right]\) derived in Eq. 5 below, it is fairly straightforward to confirm that the cutoff type \(\tilde y_{AB} \) indeed lies within the interval [y ABC  − (m B  − m A ),2y ABC  − (m C  − m A )]. Using a similar approach for C, where proposal \(\hat x^A \left( \delta \right)\) is computed in Eq. 6 below, one can derive the following cutoff proposer type:

$$\widetilde{y}_{{BC}} = \frac{2}{{2 + \delta }}y_{{ABC}} + \frac{{2{\left( {1 + \delta } \right)}}}{{2 + \delta }}\widehat{x}^{A} - \frac{\delta }{{2 + \delta }}m_{A} - m_{C} .$$
(3)

Finally, for all subgames starting with country C as the first-period proposer, extreme country A’s equilibrium beliefs are as follows:

$$\sigma ^{{A*}} {\left( {y_{{BC}} \left| {x^{C}_{0} } \right.} \right)} \to \left\{ {\begin{array}{*{20}l} {{y_{{BC}} \sim U{\left[ {0,\widetilde{y}_{{BC}} } \right]},} \hfill} & {{{\text{for}}\;x^{C}_{0} \in {\left( { - \infty ,\widehat{x}^{A} } \right)} \cup \left( {\widehat{x}^{A} ,m_{A} + y_{{ABC}} } \right]} \hfill} \\ {{y_{{BC}} \sim U\left( {\widetilde{y}_{{BC}} ,y_{{ABC}} } \right]} \hfill} & {{{\text{for}}\;x^{{`C}}_{0} \in {\left( {m_{A} + y_{{ABC}} ,m_{C} } \right)} \cup {\left( {m_{C} , + \infty } \right)}} \hfill} \\ \end{array} } \right.$$

Lemma 1

There exists for country C a threshold point on the real line, \(\tilde x_0^C \left( \delta \right) \in \left[ {m_C - y_{ABC} ,m_B } \right]\) , such that for \(x^{A}_{0} < \widetilde{x}^{C} {\left( \delta \right)}\) and \(\pi _0 = \left\{ {AB\left( {x_0^A } \right)\left| C \right.} \right\}\) a positive support of low types \(y_{AB} \leqslant \tilde y_{AB} \) will reject C’s optimal second-period proposal \(x_1^{C*} \) given its equilibrium beliefs, while for \(x_0^A \geqslant \tilde x_0^C \left( \delta \right)\) all low types \(y_{{AB}} < \widetilde{y}_{{AB}} \) will accept \(x_1^{C * } \) . A similar threshold point \(\tilde x_0^A \left( \delta \right)\) exists for country A.

Proof

C’s optimal second-period proposal given its updated equilibrium beliefs following a first-period proposal \(x_0^A \in \left[ {m_C - y_{ABC} ,m_B } \right]\) that falls within the grand union Pareto set of common policies becomes

$$x_1^{C * } = \mathop {\arg \max }\limits_{x_1^C \in \left[ {m_C - y_{ABC} ,m_C } \right]} \left\{ {\Pr \left( {\alpha _1^{A * } \left( {x_1^C } \right) = 1\left| {y_{AB} \sim U\left[ {0,\tilde y_{AB} } \right]} \right.} \right) \times \left( {x_1^C - m_C + y_{ABC} } \right)} \right\} = \frac{{m_C + x_0^A }}{2}.$$
(4)

Hence, \(\tilde x^C \left( \delta \right)\) has to be such that the threshold y AB type is just indifferent between accepting and rejecting \(x_1^{C * } \), i.e.,

$$u_{t = 1}^A \left( {{\text{Acc}}\;x_1^{C * } = {\raise0.7ex\hbox{$1$} \!\mathord{\left/ {\vphantom {1 2}}\right.\kern-\nulldelimiterspace}\!\lower0.7ex\hbox{$2$}}\left( {m_C + \tilde x^C } \right)\left| {y_{AB} } \right. = \tilde y_{AB} } \right) = u_{t = 1}^A \left( {{\text{Rej}}\;x_1^{C * } = {\raise0.7ex\hbox{$1$} \!\mathord{\left/ {\vphantom {1 2}}\right.\kern-\nulldelimiterspace}\!\lower0.7ex\hbox{$2$}}\left( {m_C + \tilde x^C } \right)\left| {y_{AB} } \right. = \tilde y_{AB} } \right).$$

So for \(x^{A}_{0} < \widetilde{x}^{C} {\left( \delta \right)}\) and \(\pi _0 = \left\{ {AB\left( {x_0^A } \right)\left| C \right.} \right\}\), there is a positive support of low country A types \(y_{AB} \leqslant \tilde y_{AB} \) that reject \(x_1^{C * } = \frac{{m_C + x_0^A }}{2}\), which implies that C’s first-period rejection continuation value \(V_{t = 0}^C \left( {{\text{Rej}}\;{\text{x}}_0^{\text{A}} \left| {B\;{\text{acc}}} \right.} \right)\) becomes quadratic. For \(x_0^A \geqslant \tilde x_0^C \left( \delta \right)\) and \(\pi _0 = \left\{ {AB\left( {x_0^A } \right)\left| C \right.} \right\}\), all low types \(y_{AB} \leqslant \tilde y_{AB} \) will accept \(x_1^{C * } = \frac{{m_C + x_0^A }}{2}\), since C’s optimal second-period proposal would make the highest possible low type \(\tilde y_{AB} \) just indifferent. This implies that C’s rejection continuation value becomes linear, in which case it is quite straightforward to derive the value of \(\hat x^C \left( \delta \right)\) in the following manner:

$$\hat x^C \left( \delta \right) = \frac{{6 + 2\delta }}{{6 + 5\delta }}\left( {m_C - y_{ABC} } \right) + \frac{{2\delta }}{{6 + 5\delta }}m_B + \frac{\delta }{{6 + 5\delta }}m_C .$$
(5)

Using a similar approach to derive \(\hat x^A \left( \delta \right)\) for country C as the first-period proposer, it turns out that:

$$\hat x^A \left( \delta \right) = \frac{{6 + 2\delta }}{{6 + 5\delta }}\left( {m_A + y_{ABC} } \right) + \frac{{2\delta }}{{6 + 5\delta }}m_B + \frac{\delta }{{6 + 5\delta }}m_A \leqslant \tilde x^A \left( \delta \right).$$
(6)

Proposition 3

For a non-degenerate support of high y AB types \(\left( {\tilde y_{AB} ,\tilde y_{AB} + \varepsilon } \right]\) , ε > 0, there exists an immediate grand coalition formation policy \(x_{ABC}^ * \in \left[ {m_C - y_{ABC} ,m_B } \right]\) such that \(\left\langle {ABC\left( {x_{ABC}^ * } \right),ABC\left( {x_{ABC}^ * } \right)} \right\rangle \underline \succ _i \left\langle {AB\left( {m_A } \right)\left| C \right.,\left. {ABC\left( {x_1^{j * } } \right)} \right)} \right\rangle \) for all i, j = A, B, C and \(\left\langle {ABC\left( {x_{ABC}^ * } \right),ABC\left( {x_{ABC}^ * } \right)} \right\rangle \succ _i \left\langle {AB\left( {m_A } \right)\left| C \right.,\left. {ABC\left( {x_1^{j * } } \right)} \right)} \right\rangle \) for at least one i, where \(\underline \succ \) and \( \succ \) denote the weak and strict preference relations respectively and \(x_1^{j * } \) denotes the optimal second-period proposal for any representative j to get recognized.

Proof

Let \(y_{AB} \in \left( {\tilde y_{AB} ,\tilde y_{AB} + \varepsilon } \right]\), ε > 0. We first need to find the set of grand union policy proposals that make A weakly better off in an immediate coalition formation path rather than a gradual one, i.e., find x ABC m A such that

$$V_0^A \left( {\left\langle {ABC\left( {x_{ABC} } \right),ABC\left( {x_{ABC} } \right)} \right\rangle } \right) \geqslant EV_0^A \left( {\left\langle {AB\left( {m_A } \right)\left| C \right.,ABC\left( {x_1^{j * } } \right)} \right\rangle } \right),j = A,B,C.$$

So we need the following inequality to hold:

$$\begin{aligned} \left( {1 + \delta } \right)\left( {m_A - x_{ABC} + y_{ABC} } \right) \geqslant y_{AB} + \frac{\delta }{3}\left[ {2y_{ABC} - \left( {m_C - m_A } \right) + y_{AB} + m_A - \frac{{m_A + m_C - \tilde y_{AB} }}{2} + y_{ABC} } \right] \\ \Leftrightarrow m_A \leqslant x_{ABC} \leqslant \frac{1}{{1 + \delta }}\left( {\frac{{2 + \delta }}{2}m_A + \frac{\delta }{2}m_C + y_{ABC} - \frac{{3 + \delta }}{3}y_{AB} - \frac{\delta }{6}\tilde y_{AB} } \right) = \overline x _{ABC} . \\ \end{aligned} $$

Given that \(\tilde y_{AB} \leqslant 2y_{ABC} - \left( {m_C - m_A } \right)\), it turns out that \(\overline{x} _{{ABC}} \geqslant m_{C} - y_{{ABC}} \), which implies that there may be such an immediate grand coalition proposal that could make C weakly better off. Since B, the moderate country, will trivially have a strict preference to participate in an immediate grand union with a common policy much closer to its own ideal point, all we need to show is that C is weakly better off under such an immediate agreement compared to the gradual equilibrium, whereby C believes A and B to be of a high type, i.e.,

$$\begin{aligned} V_0^C \left( {\left\langle {ABC\left( {\bar x_{ABC} } \right),ABC\left( {\bar x_{ABC} } \right.} \right\rangle } \right) \geqslant EV_0^C \left( {\left\langle {AB\left( {m_A } \right)\left| C \right.,ABC\left( {x_1^{j * } } \right)} \right\rangle } \right) \\ \Leftrightarrow \left( {1 + \delta } \right)\left( {\bar x_{ABC} - m_C + y_{ABC} } \right) \geqslant \frac{\delta }{3}\left[ {\left( {m_A + y_{ABC} - y_{AB} } \right) - m_C + y_{ABC} + \frac{{m_A + m_C - \tilde y_{AB} }}{2} - m_C + y_{ABC} } \right] \\ \Leftrightarrow y_{AB} \leqslant 2y_{ABC} - \left( {m_C - m_A } \right). \\ \end{aligned} $$

Since we know from before that \(\tilde y_{AB} \leqslant 2y_{ABC} - \left( {m_C - m_A } \right)\), then the latter expression has to be true for some \(y_{AB} \in \left( {\tilde y_{AB} ,\tilde y_{AB} + \varepsilon } \right]\), ε > 0 and will hold as a strict inequality for any interior cutoff type \(\widetilde{y}_{{AB}} < 2y_{{ABC}} - {\left( {m_{C} - m_{A} } \right)}\). We have thus shown that an immediate grand coalition formation path under \(\overline{x} _{{ABC}} \) will be a Pareto superior solution, hence the interim inefficiency of the gradualist equilibrium. QED

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Konstantinidis, N. Gradualism and uncertainty in international union formation: The European Community’s first enlargement. Rev Int Organ 3, 399–433 (2008). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11558-008-9044-3

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