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Sovereignty, Human Rights, and Responsibility: Changes in China’s Response to International Humanitarian Crises

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Abstract

The question of whether human rights are above sovereignty has dominated China’s human rights discourse. Relying on a sovereignty-human rights spectrum, this article reviews China’s behaviors, particularly its participation in the UN Security Council, in managing the three major international humanitarian crises in the post-Cold War era—Rwanda, Kosovo, and Darfur, and finds that there have been impressive changes in China’s response to the crises. Yet, a content analysis of China’s official discourse on human rights finds that China’s attitudes towards sovereignty and human rights have not changed much. Drawing on constructivist international relations theory, this article attempts to explain the paradox. It is argued that the international discourse on the “responsibility to protect” has brought about changes in international norms regarding violations of human rights and humanitarian law, and that, having undergone in recent years an identity change from a defensive power of bitterness and insecurity to a rising power aspiring to take more responsibility, China is more concerned about its national image and more receptive to international norms, which has led to the changes in its response to international humanitarian crises.

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Notes

  1. For example, the first whitepaper on human rights issued by the Chinese government in 1991 states,

    China has always maintained that human rights are essentially matters within the domestic jurisdiction of a country. Respect for each country’s sovereignty and non-interference in internal affairs are universally recognized principles of international law, which are applicable to all fields of international relations, and of course applicable to the field of human rights as well…The argument that the principle of non-interference in internal affairs does not apply to the issue of human rights is, in essence, a demand that sovereign states give up their state sovereignty in the field of human rights, a demand that is contrary to international law.

    See Information Office of the State Council of the PRC, “Human Rights in China,” November 1991, http://www.china.org.cn/e-white/7/index.htm.

  2. In this article, I adopt a broad definition of the principle of sovereignty. That is, the principle of sovereignty in this article is often meant to cover the principle of non-intervention in internal affairs.

  3. Examples are Dong [1]; Zhongguo Renquan Yanjiuhui [2]; Zhongguo Renquan Fazhan Jijinhui [3]; He [4]; Lu [5] and Wen and Jian [6]. For more objective and innovative discussion on the legitimacy of humanitarian intervention, see [7–9], In particular, among the Chinese literature on the relationship between sovereignty and human rights, a comprehensive and balanced explication stands out, which is offered by Luo Yanhua [10].

  4. For example, see [11–14].

  5. See [15].

  6. Renmin Ribao [The People’s Daily], “Lianheguo anlihui jueding chechu dabu yuanlu renyuan” [The United Nations Security Council Decided to Withdraw the Majority of Assistance Personnel to Rwanda], April 24, 1994; Renmin Ribao [The People’s Daily], “Anlihui jueding zengpai lianlu budui” [The Security Council Decided to Increase the UN Aid Personnel to Rwanda], May 17, 1994.

  7. Renmin Ribao [The People’s Daily], “Waijiaobu fayanren fabiao tanhua, dui chaoxian hewenti chuxian jiji jinzhan gandao gaoxing, zhichi guoji shehui wei jinkuai jiejue luwanda weiji suo zuo de nuli, xiwang yemen dangshi gefang tongguo tanpan xunqiu jiejue wenti tujing,” [Spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs: Being Delighted for the Positive Progress with the North Korean Nuclear Issue, Supporting the Efforts Taken by the International Society to Resolve the Rwandan Crisis as Soon as Possible, and Hoping the Major Parties of Yemen to Seek Solution to Problem through Negotiation], June 24, 1994.

  8. Xu Shiquan and He Hongze, “Anlihui Jiang She Lu wenti Guojifating” [The Security Council Will Establish International Court with regard to the Rwandan Issue”], Renmin Ribao [The People’s Daily], November 11, 1997.

  9. Renmin Ribao [The People’s Daily], “Di er dai weihe xingdong chuyi” [General Discussion on the Second-Generation Peacekeeping Actions], January 21, 1995.

  10. See Renmin Ribao [The People’s Daily], “Waijiaobu fayanren tan kesuowo wenti, zhongguo zhengfu renwei lianheguo anlihui buyi jieru shuyu nansilafu neizheng de kesuowo wenti” [Spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on the Kosovo Issue: Chinese Government Believes that the United Nations Security Council Should Not Intervene into the Kosovo Issue, Which is Yugoslavia’s Internal Affair”], March 11, 1998.

  11. Agence France Presse, “UN Slaps Arms Embargo on Yugoslavia,” April 2, 1998.

  12. Renmin Ribao [The People’s Daily], “Anlihui jueding dui nan shishi wuqi jinyun, zhongguo tou qiquanpiao” [The Security Council Decided to Impose Weapons Embargo on Yugoslavia, and China Voted Abstention], March 31, 1998.

  13. Renmin Ribao [The People’s Daily], “Kesuowo weiji, anlihui quanze tusha pingmin shijian, nanzhengfu yao wokeer xianqi lijing, e pai fu waizhang fu nan jinji tiaojie, mei cheng beiyue dongxi nan pozaimeijie” [The Kosovo Crisis: The Security Council Condemned the Massacre of Civilians, Yugoslavian Government Demands Walker to Leave, Russia Sent Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs to Yugoslavia to mediate, and USA Claimed that NATO’s Air Strike Is Imminent], January 20, 1999.

  14. United Nations, Security Council 4011th Meeting Record, 10 June 1999, New York, pp. 9–10, http://daccessdds.un.org/doc/UNDOC/PRO/N99/854/44/PDF/N9985444.pdf?OpenElement.

  15. The Economist, “Never Too late to Scramble—China in Africa,” October 28, 2006; New York Times, “War in Sudan? Not Where the Oil Wealth Flows,” October 24, 2006; Associated Press, “China Won’t Tolerate Threats to Darfur Peacekeepers,” November 28, 2007; and Johan Brosche [18].

  16. For example, see International Herald Tribune, “China and Darfur,” August 4, 2006; and Adam Wolfe, “The Increasing Importance of African Oil,” Power and Interest News Report, March 20, 2006, http://harowo.com/2006/03/20/the-increasing-importance-of-african-oil/.

  17. For more details, see Gareth Evans and Donald Steinberg, “China and Darfur: ‘Signs of Transition’,” Guardian Unlimited, June 11, 2007.

  18. For example, see Howard W. French and Fan Wenxin, “Chinese Leader to Visit Sudan for Talks on Darfur Conflict,” New York Times, January 25, 2007.

  19. In November 2006, then UN Secretary General Kofi Annan proposed a three-phased UN assistance to African Mission in Sudan (AMIS), which included a light support package, a heavy support package, and eventually a “hybrid” AU-UN force. In the first phase, the UN supports AMIS with a package of support of 21 million US dollars, in the second phase, the UN deploys 3000 African soldiers and helicopter to reinforce AMIS, and in the third phase, a “hybrid” UN-African Union force is deployed in the Darfur.

  20. Sudan Tribune, “China Issues a Warning to Sudan over Darfur Crisis,” January 30, 2008.

  21. United Nations Bibliographic Information System, Dag Hammarskjold Library, Security Council 5015th Meeting, 5040th Meeting, 5153rd Meeting, 5158th Meeting, 5423rd Meeting, and 5519th Meeting, http://unbisnet.un.org.

  22. See [24, 25].

  23. Renmin Ribao [The People’s Daily], “Waijiaobu fayanren jiu mei ‘renquan baogao’ da jizhe wen, meiguo wuquan dui zhongguo neibu shiwu zhishou huajiao” [Spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Answers Journalists’ Questions regarding the U.S. “Human Rights Report:” U.S. Has No Right to Domineer], February 3, 1995.

  24. Renmin Ribao [The People’s Daily], “Waijiaobu juxing lixing jizhehui: fengquan meifang tingzhi jie fabiao guobie renquan baogao ganshe bieguo neizheng” [Regular Press Conference Held by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs: Advising the United States Not to Intervene into the Internal Affairs of Other Countries through Publishing Country Report on Human Rights Practices], February 26, 2009; and Renmin Ribao [The People’s Daily], “Waijiaobu fayanren biaoshi: zhongfang dui meifang shezang yanlun jianjue fandui” [Spokesperson for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Says: China Determinedly Opposes the U.S. Statement on Tibet], March 12, 2009.

  25. Renmin Ribao [The People’s Daily], “Zai Yao Guang juxing de xinwen fabuhui shang, qian qichen waizhang da zhongwai jizhe wen” [In the Press Conference Organized by Yao Guang, Minister of Foreign Affairs Qian Qichen Answered Questions from Domestic and International Journalists], March 27, 1991.

  26. See [16], pp. 169–173.

  27. See ([26], p. 309).

  28. See [27], p. 5.

  29. International Commission on Intervention and State sovereignty, The Responsibility to Protect, December 2001, http://www.iciss.ca/report-en.asp.

  30. United Nations, Security Council Resolution 1674.

  31. Some rare examples of Chinese scholarly articles on “the responsibility to protect” are Li [29]; Luo [30]; Li [31] and Li [32].

  32. Hu Jintao, “Hold High the Great Banner of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics and Strive for New Victories in Building a Moderately Prosperous Society in All.”

  33. Xinhua Ribao [Xinhua Daily], “Hu Jintao zai di shiyi ci zhuwai shijie huiyi shang fabiao zhongyao jianghua yaoqiu: Zhengzhi shang geng you yingxiangli, jingji shang geng you jingzhengli, xingxiang shang geng you qinheli, daoyi shang geng you ganzhaoli” [Addressing the Eleventh Diplomatic Envoy Meeting, Hu Jintao Demalnds: More Influence in Politics, More competitiveness in Economy, More Attractiveness in National Image, and More Charm in Morality], July 21, 2009, http://xh.xhby.net/mp2/html/2009-07/21/content_36151.htm.

  34. For example, Li Yunlong, a professor at the Central Party School of China, said, “China does not treat individuals as the basic unit of society, nor has it reduced human rights to individuals. It has not adopted an approach that allows every individual to safeguard his or her own rights. Instead, China regards human rights as interest that the society has bestowed on every individual, which is not only related to human individuals, but more to the interest of the society as a whole.” See Li Yunlong [37]. Dongfang Wenhua yu Renquan Fazhan is a volume on the relations between culture and human rights from comparative and global perspectives. Other works on East Asian perspective on human rights include Luo Yanhua [38].

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Acknowledgement

Earlier drafts of this article were presented in the 2007 Seoul–Shanghai Development Forum at University of Seoul, Korea, the Conference on “China’s International Responsibility and National Interest” at Fudan University in December 2007, the 2008 International Studies Association Annual Convention in San Francisco, and the Third Joint Fudan University-Lund University Workshop in April 2008. The author thanks participants in these conferences for their comments and suggestions. In particular, the author is grateful to John Armstrong, Victoria Tin-bor Hui, Yinan He, Hieyeon Keum, Zhimin Chen, Xiao Ren, and Zhongqi Pan.

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    Chengqiu Wu

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Wu, C. Sovereignty, Human Rights, and Responsibility: Changes in China’s Response to International Humanitarian Crises. J OF CHIN POLIT SCI 15, 71–97 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11366-009-9083-5

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