Abstract
Drawing on Bourdieu’s theory of habitus and incorporating insights from feminist and critical race and legal scholarship on the creation of “subjugated knowledge,” this article investigates the dispositional production of perceptions of injustice, politics, and morality among differently situated members of a subordinated population. Based on ethnographic fieldwork within and across the West Bank and the Israeli city of Lod, I track how the political rhetoric that Lod Palestinians use to describe key issues in their lives—for example, drug use and dealing, and poor formal education—differs from the moral judgments through which West Bank Palestinians, who have moved to the city and remain there precariously, interpret the same issues. This article traces this interpretive divergence to two dispositional formations: one that has emerged under protracted conditions of denigration, criminalization, and surveillance in Lod and the other that has been produced over time by military rule in the West Bank and imported to Lod by West Bank Palestinians who moved there. It concludes by calling attention to the role of dispositions in studies of identity-formation and boundary-work as well as issues of submission and resistance in contexts of subordination.
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Notes
Lod is often defined as a “mixed” city to highlight its exceptional status as an urban space including both Jewish and Arab citizens. Yet, rather than “mixed,” this urban space is divided along ethnonational lines with Palestinians, about 25% of the city’s total population, mostly living in segregated and under-serviced areas. It is also marked by the mass displacement of its Palestinian residents that occurred during the 1948 war, which led to the establishment of the Israeli state. Indeed, before 1948 Lod was an Arab town, which was called Lydda.
This brief field experience also raised questions about perceptions of threat and understandings of inside-r and outside-r among Jewish Israeli citizens and law-enforcement officers.
The West Bank Palestinians I met in Lod were either spouses of Israeli Palestinians or workers. Most spouses of Israeli Palestinians had precarious legal status, ranging from temporary permits to expired ones while most workers had undocumented status.
I use “Lod Palestinians” and “Arab residents of Lod” to refer to those Palestinians who were born in the city or, while being born in other localities inside the state, lived there since childhood. More generally, I use here “Israeli Palestinians,” “Palestinian citizens,” and “Arab citizens” to refer to those Palestinians who have Israeli citizenship.
As Kassem (2011, p. 6) argues in her oral histories with elderly Palestinian women in Lod, memories of the past and interpretations of the present are linked in complex ways. More work is necessary on this relationship especially in the case of Palestinians for whom traumas such as displacement and imprisonment are not only memories of the past but also experiences of the present.
I borrow this expression from a book on West Bank Palestinians entitled “Growing up Palestinian: Israeli Occupation and the Intifada Generation” (Bucaille 2004).
This point is particularly important for the case of the Palestinians in Lod who express their sense of injustice by referring to and contesting the moralizing and criminalizing discourses about Palestinian citizens of Israel that circulate in the dominant policy and public arenas.
“Hip-hop culture emphasizes the role of environment in determining conduct… [It] discounts responsibility when criminal conduct has been shaped by a substandard environment… [It] does not deny that the underprivileged are moral agents; it does, however, require us to consider thoughtfully how free some people’s choices really are… [It] advocates retribution, but not at all costs. If the consequence of making people pay for their crimes is the decimation of a community, then retribution is less important” (P. Butler 2009, pp. 136–137).
Both Bourdieu and Paul Butler refer to John Rawls’s Theory of Justice in their discussions of the law. Bourdieu (2000, p. 94) uses Rawls’s book as an example of his account of how the law is an institution that hides its historical roots. Butler (2009, pp. 136–137) argues that poor African Americans “come closest to Rawls’ ideal lawmakers” given that they “are both the most likely to be arrested and incarcerated for crimes and the most likely to be victims of crimes.”
The point I want to emphasize here is that what people say about their predicament partakes to a broader process of acquisition and transmission of practices, including non-verbal practices. This point is supported by Burkitt’s (1998) theoretical integration of Bourdieu’s theory of habitus and Bakhtin’s theory of language, Sloop’s and Ono’s (1997, p. 60) “rhetoric as a practice” approach, and Hanks’s (2005) work on the dialogue between Bourdieu’s practice theory and linguistic anthropology.
I agree with McNay (2004, p. 178) that, in this way, the concept of experience is rescued from a tendency towards an empiricism “which does not scrutinize the conditions that determine how experience relates to knowledge” and towards a reinforcement of the opposition between objectivity and subjectivity. Joan Scott (1991) finds this tendency in feminist standpoint theories. While Collins is associated with feminist standpoint, my reading of her work highlights her attention to structural and historical factors in the production of perceptions, including non-feminist ideas, among different segments of African American women. In this sense, Collins’s work resonates with Joan Scott’s argument about how subjectivities and experiences are socially constructed.
The importance of structures and histories of subordination in the production of knowledge also emerges from Foucault’s (1980) use of the concept of “subjugated knowledge” to address the production of “low-ranking knowledges … disqualified knowledges” such as that “of the psychiatric patient, of the ill person … that of the delinquent.”
I follow Wacquant (1995, p. 490, 526, note n. 14) in his argument that, while there is a tension between focusing on “the invariants” of a certain “viewpoint” and analyzing possible “variations” within it, “an elucidation of” these variations “presupposes a prior understanding of “what these experiential paths hold in common.”
UNRWA is the United Nations Relief and Welfare Agency for Palestinian refugees established by the United Nations in 1949.
Many Bedouin villages in the Negev, a southern desert area inside Israel, remain “unrecognized” by the state, which denies them services and routinely carries out evictions and demolitions. Bedouins are also pressured to move into new towns explicitly built for them by the state (Abu-Saad 2008).
I support Heyman’s (2013, p. 304) call for conceptualizing “legalization and illegalization as processes (in particular as social–political projects), rather than as states of being” and for focusing on the role of the state in the production of “legalized and illegalized practices” (see, also, Heyman and Smart 1999).
Copy of the original report in Hebrew is available from the author.
Magav is the Hebrew acronym for the Israeli border police.
A note on transliteration of words in Arabic and Hebrew: for the Arabic, I used a simplified version of the system of the International Journal of Middle East Studies. I omitted all diacritical marks, including those for long vowels, except for the ayn (‘). For the Hebrew, I used the standard format and at the same time marked the ayn (‘). Transliterated words are all in Arabic except when they are marked as words in Hebrew.
These announcements were posted on the website of Lod’s municipality. Copies translated into English are available from the author.
All names of people are fictitious.
Three terms were commonly used to refer to drugs: sumum (poisons in Arabic), mukhaddirat (drugs in Arabic), and samim (drugs in Hebrew).
In January 2012 the Israeli High Court used a demographic-cum-security discourse to uphold the prohibition of permanent residency for West Bank and Gaza spouses of Israeli citizens. In addition to splitting or relocating their families, these spouses are left with the option of applying for temporary permits that neither grant them access to health services nor allow them to work.
The names of West Bank localities have been changed.
During the first Intifada (Uprising, 1987–1993) hundreds of alleged informers were killed in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip while others were relocated by the Israeli state inside Israel.
In 1993 the PLO (Palestine Liberation Organization) and the Israeli government signed an agreement, the Oslo Accords, which led to the creation of the PA as an authority of self-rule for the Palestinians of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. A subsequent agreement, the 1994 Gaza–Jericho agreement, identified the Gaza Strip and the West Bank town of Jericho as the first two places where the PA could operate as an authority of self-rule. The Oslo Interim Agreement, which was signed by the PA and the Israeli government in 1995, limited the area of Palestinian self-rule (area A) to the main West Bank towns, while the Israeli army retained full control of 61% of the West Bank (area C) and the rest was put under joint PA–Israeli control (area B).
West Bank Palestinians also deal with humanitarian organizations. This is particularly relevant in the case of West Bank refugee camps where the UNRWA is a de facto welfare institution that provides camp dwellers with basic services ranging from health service to education to (limited) employment. In general, international donors are the backbone of both the PA’s and the UNRWA’s budget. Due to limited space, this article does not address West Bank Palestinians’ experiences of humanitarianism. However, while offering access to important symbolic and material resources, humanitarian agencies are also experienced as external forces that need to be dealt collectively. Thus, for example, by mobilizing collectively, refugee constituencies can (and do) engage the UNRWA in prolonged negotiations about the services it offers to the camps. Furthermore, they can (and do) pressure the UNRWA to extend its official role as deliverer of humanitarian services to one of legal and physical protection (Morris 2010; Rempel 2010).
While other cultural sociologists (see, e.g., Alexander 2003) have found similarities between Bourdieu’s theory of habitus and Geertz’s “thick description” while also criticizing Bourdieu’s “reductionism,” Lizardo (2004; 2009; 2011) has embarked on a major new inquiry into the cognitive dimension of Bourdieu’s theory of habitus and its implications for cultural sociology and more broadly for the relationships between the social sciences and the cognitive and neural sciences.
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Acknowledgments
I would like to thank the Theory and Society Editors and reviewers for their very useful suggestions and comments. This article greatly benefited from their feedback. I would also like to thank Katie Hasson, Jesse Nissim, and Gretchen Purser for their helpful commentary at each stage of this article’s development. For their feedback on previous drafts, I am also grateful to many other friends and colleagues including Lori Allen, Dawn Dow, Samera Esmeir, Humeira Iqtidar, Tom Pessah, Giovanni Picker, Dylan Riley, Cihan Tuğal, Loïc Wacquant and Yuval Yonay. Funding from this research came from the Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation and a National Science Foundation Doctoral Dissertation Improvement Grant, as well as the following institutions at UC Berkeley: the Department of Sociology, the Center for Middle Eastern Studies, the Center for Race and Gender, the Center for the Study of Law & Society, and the Institute for International Studies. This article was written during a Research Fellowship at Clare Hall at the University of Cambridge, which I thank for its support. Most of all, I am deeply grateful to all the Palestinian women and men in Lod and the West Bank who made my fieldwork possible by generously helping me and sharing their time and insights with me. Any errors and omissions are my responsibility.
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Pasquetti, S. Subordination and dispositions: Palestinians’ differing sense of injustice, politics, and morality. Theor Soc 44, 1–31 (2015). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11186-014-9240-5
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11186-014-9240-5