Abstract
We investigate the nature of morphological ergativity through the ergative/split-S system of Basque. We show that in Basque ergative case and agreement reflect structural rather than inherent Case: Agree/Move rather than selection. Evidence comes from the core distinctions between these dependency types, including ergative-absolutive alternations due to absolutive Exceptional Case Marking of external arguments and raising-to-ergative of internal arguments. In consequence, structural Agree/Case systems cannot be reduced to a nominative-accusative basis with an inherent ergative, as has been proposed. Our investigation sheds light on the nature of structural ergativity in Basque. First, ergativity like nominativity comes from the T-system, whereas absolutivity and accusativity are in the v-system. Second, ergative agreement can occur under unbounded c-command through Agree, like nominative, accusative, and absolutive case and agreement, but ergative case requires movement to Spec,T, bearing out the ergative as a ‘marked’ structural Case. Third, structural Agree/Case systems are parametrizable to give both ergative and accusative alignments and islands of exceptionality within each. We develop a theoretical account of these results in the Agree framework of the Principles-and-Parameters approach, building on previous theories of structural ergativity.
Similar content being viewed by others
Notes
By (lexical) predicate we mean one that takes its argument as part of its lexical meaning, including V, Appl, vA(gent), in contrast to derived predicates formed in syntax by movement (Heim and Kratzer 1998).
Abbreviations in glosses: 1/2/3 person, s/p number, E ergative, A absolutive but in Icelandic accusative, D dative, N nominative, d the definite article of Basque, ALLOC allocutive form, HYP hypothetical, PRES present, DFLT default. Examples: 2pE = 2nd person plural ergative, d.pA definite article fused with plural absolutive, sE singular ergative. PA, RE indicate judgments of P. Albizu and R. Etxepare when different.
Root allomorphy is helpful for 3SG.ERG/ABS, which lacks an overt affix: du glossed AUX.3sE in (6a) is d-u X-AUX(+ERG); da glossed AUX.3sA (6a) is d-a X-AUX(-ERG). Only 3SG.ABS agreement is potentially analysable as absence of agreement; we gloss it as 3sA only when there is a clear 3SG.ABS controller, and not, therefore, with ergative-subject unergative and raising verbs. We set aside so-called ergative displacement in agreement whereby 1/2.ERG→3.ABS combinations use prefixes for the ergative in certain tense-mood combinations (Laka 1993a; Fernández 1997, 2001; Albizu and Eguren 2000; Albizu 2002; Rezac 2003). It does not result in accusative alignment of agreement, since the agreement complex as a whole includes other information identifying the prefixes as coding ergatives.
Apparent ergative-subject unaccusatives like iraun ‘last’, irakin ‘boil’ seem to be unergative: they are so diagnosed by impossibility of partitive assignment which is restricted to internal arguments (cf. Arteatx 2007:35 note 7); by absence of low-position readings likewise so restricted (see discussion of example (33)); and perhaps by causativization (M. Baker, p.c.), since like transitives/unergatives but unlike unaccusatives they can have inanimate dative causes (though other factors need controlling, Ortiz de Urbina 2003a:4.8.2.1.2). The status of a couple of verbs like ergative-subject urten ‘go out’ in Bizkaian Basque beside absolutive-subject irten elsewhere remains to be investigated (Albizu and Fernández 2006; Aldai 2009). These same tests also indicate that absolutive-subject unergatives are truly unergative (see citations in text).
When not otherwise noted, judgments are those of PA and RE, speakers of central dialects with typically but not exclusively ergative subjects for the agentive unergatives in Aldai (2009:801).
In English, perception complements but not adjuncts can use the infinitive, with perfective or imperfective readings, while the gerund occurs in both adjunct and complement structures but allows only imperfective readings. The Basque tzen gerund is like the English gerund in occurring in both complement and adjunct structures and like the English infinitive in allowing both perfective and imperfective readings. English has a third structure for the gerund as a DP-internal modifier, unavailable in Basque.
Some speakers require agreement (Arteatx 2007:35). Nonagreement is only optional, so that the perception complement structures in (12) allow agreement; it is available for subjects of both unaccusatives and transitives, so that (8b) allows nonagreeing dut AUX.3sA.3sE beside ditut; and it is not reducible to the absolutive being low in the gerund, since low absolutives may agree, as discussed for example (32) below. Similar optional nonagreement in Icelandic has been attributed to intervention of the infinitival boundary in agreement but not Case assignment; see Chomsky (2000:128) and the literature cited above.
The strongest examples, (12) and (13), have been confirmed both in central dialects with split-S alignment that are the focus of our study, and in eastern ones with more ergative alignment.
Deficiencies in supra-vP architecture can be of different sorts; in English ECM bare infinitive perception complements are more deficient than to-infinitive ECM/raising complements for temporal specification and sentential negation, though both lack nominative Case and overt or PRO subject licensing (see Martin 2001; Landau 2004:861). Thus absence of T-Case need not imply temporal/negation deficiency, but such deficiency does seem to imply absence of T-Case.
The argument needs to be hedged. On the one hand, agreement is optional for some speakers, as discussed above; but so it is in English and Icelandic expletive raising constructions while nominative is assigned without it (see note 8). On the other hand, in Basque agreement can occur with goals Case-licensed independently of it (Sect. 5); but this excludes precisely independently Case-licensed subjects, unlike here (Etxepare 2006, 2012). Arteatx (2007) takes optional partitive on the subject of perception complements under matrix negation as evidence of ECM, but partitive licensing is not restricted to DPs that get Case from the negated clause (Etxepare and Ortiz de Urbina 2003:551 ex. 1181j; cf. de Rijk 1972). Arteatx also proposes that ECM can be accompanied by Object Shift, giving for (11) the alternative word order Gazte - ak ikusi ditut/*dut [kale erdi-an janz-ten azken hilabete-otan], ‘young.people-d.pA seen AUX.3pA/*3sA.1sE [street middle-d.s.in dress-ing last months-these.in]’; but this is restricted to perceptible, agreeing DPs, leaving it unclear whether it reflects Object Shift with interpretive restrictions, focus fronting, or simply the adjunct structure (9a) (as a reviewer suggests). Finally, we leave open whether the subject of unaccusatives Agrees with the vABS of the gerund or the perception verb or with both; the same issue is discussed in Sect. 5 regarding the structure (49e).
Arteatx (2007:37f.) discusses wh-extraction in perception structures. Some speakers prefer pied-piping the gerund, [Zer egiten] ikusi zaituzte ‘[what.A do-ing] seen AUX.2pA.3pE’ for (16b), because it avoids the ambiguity of interpreting the absolutive wh-word as subject or object gap (cf. Milner 1982 for French).
RE and PA refer to Ricardo Etxepare and Pablo Albizu respectively. A star on either means that the relevant author does not accept the example.
The string (17e) does exist for the adjunct structure, but only as topicalization of the perception verb object + focus fronting of the adjunct, [Patxiku.A] TOP [wine all.the (HIM.E) alone drinking] FOC seen AUX ‘As for Patxiku, I saw him drinking all the wine (HIMSELF) alone’ (cf. Arteatx 2007:38, note 12).
Use of ari is mostly not compulsory to express the progressive (Hualde et al. 2003:251); some speakers perhaps omit it in tzen gerunds generally, unlike in finite clauses. It is difficult to further probe the adjunct gerund T-system: the subject is PRO so we cannot test for sentential negation using subject NPIs, and the event needs to be simultaneous with the host clause, like as/while adjuncts (see Felser 1998, 1999 for analysis through event control).
Infinitives are the easiest structures from which to establish raising, because they allow testing scope and idiom reconstruction. Artiagoitia (2001a, 2001b, 2003:4.10.1.1.9) argues that Basque also has raising with seem + small/finite clause. We are sympathetic to Artiagoitia’s conclusions, but we have put seem constructions aside for two reasons. First, raising out of small clauses is difficult to demonstrate since they do not lend themselves to idiom and scope reconstruction tests (Stowell 1978, 1991; Couquaux 1981; Burzio 1986:2.7 versus Williams 1983; small clause complements of Basque seem do pass Moulton’s 2013 raising test). Second, some speakers allow copy-raising out of finite clauses, but this makes for a complex argument due to interference from thematic uses of seem and the ill-understood properties of copy-raising (for comparison with English, see Rezac 2011a:216f.; in Sect. 5.3 we support Artiagoitia’s analysis).
This is illustrated in Czech, based on work leading to Dotlačil (2004), where it is analysed as Agree of upstairs TNOM with the object of the infinitive; see for similar constructions Medová (2009:9.3.3) on Czech, Rezac (2011a:5.6.4) on Finnish. The person restriction is imputable to some interference with Agree or licensing by Agree in the structure, but we leave open its nature; see accounts of person restrictions in Basque impersonal detransitivizations (Albizu 2001b; cf. Ortiz de Urbina 2003b) and Romance impersonal se constructions (Rezac 2011a; cf. D’Alessandro 2007; Mendikoetxea 2008; Medová 2009; shared by Czech, Grepl and Karlík 1983:41). It may be that such an impersonal occurs in the infinitive in the Souletin construction, making (25a) close to its English translation. Both Souletin and English are restricted to direct objects that can promote in passivization (English) or detransitivization (Basque), showing that there is no A′-chain/tough-movement involved.
- (i)
The parameter permitting object raising in Souletin is circumscribed by three desiderata: (i) behar and not INF determines the Agree/Case of the subject of the whole (see Etxepare and Uribe-Etxebarria 2009 on such variation in INF + behar and Cardinaletti and Shlonsky 2004 in Romance restructuring); (ii) the external argument of INF does not block matrix Agree/Case as regular PRO arguably does (cf. Dotlačil 2004; Etxepare 2012); (iii) there is a person restriction which implies structure as in note 17.
In some cases with unaccusatives, the existential reading accompanying low scope prefers the existential expletive construction, as discussed in Sect. 4.3.4 for example (40).
A minimal contrast can be drawn between our INF + behar and the behar + INF structure studied in Etxepare and Uribe-Etxebarria (2009), whose INF does license negation and independent tense. Unlike INF + behar, it is a control structure whose subject must experience need, as shown in (i). The INF of INF + behar in (30) might be poorer than the gerund complement of perception structures in (14), if the latter but not the former licenses VP negation (Arteatx 2007) and for some speakers intensive pronouns (Sect. 3.4, (16b)).
- (i)
Goenaga (2006) seems to be the sole discussion of S.ABSi Vunacc behar AUX.ERGi in contemporary Basque. Mounole (2010) documents the same case-agreement pattern with different properties for an extinct variety of the 18th century. It must be distinguished from restructuring INF + behar available to some speakers with both case and agreement determined by INF (Ortiz de Urbina 2003d:304–306; Etxepare and Uribe-Etxebarria 2009:example 2.1; Mounole 2010). Our analysis is inspired by Goenaga’s.
In most examples that follow, the subject is an inanimate incapable of needing, and thus indicates raising.
In central and western varieties, 3PL.ABS and 3PL.ERG are marked as -ak; the pattern in (32)–(33) can be reproduced in those dialects by using weak quantifiers like zenbait hiri/hiri-k ‘some city.A (existential) / city-E (partitive)’, as in example (39) below.
For tenses with generic readings, like the English present and Basque periphrastic but not synthetic present, genericity adds Gen as Op to bind a variable over times (situations), within each of which there is existential assertion: Generically, there are (many) professors available.
For the impossibility of QRing there-associates, different proposals exist (Heim 1987; Chierchia 1995; Bobaljik and Wurmbrand 2012). Some limits on reconstruction for the existential reading are better understood than others, for instance with individual-level predicates (Diesing 1992; Kratzer 1995; Chierchia 1995), less so I can see that hunters/#fires are in the forest or You win if pieces remain/#are on the board beside their there-counterparts, and examples below (cf. Francez 2009; McNally 2011; distinct is surface scope rigidity in languages like Yiddish, Diesing 1992, 1997; Bobaljik and Wurmbrand 2012).
The restriction is about external argumenthood and not about case, since it affects absolutive-subject unergatives, see (33), and not ergative raisees of unaccusatives, (39a). For unergatives, the restriction is shown in (32)–(33). For transitives, it can be illutrated with (8): the object saguak can also mean ‘mice’, but among subjects only katuak in (8b) and not katuek in (c) can be interpreted as ‘cats’. If external arguments lack the existential reading because they cannot reconstruct to Spec,v in Basque, the INF of INF + behar must have a Spec,Tdef for them, as in English, and as suggested by the hosting of temporal adverbs delimiting matrix time.
We thank B. Laca for suggesting ‘few’. Basque gutxi requires focus (Etxepare 2003b:4.5.4.2).
The English existential construction and Basque existential absolutives with raising behar/must do not always coincide, but the differences do not seem to jeopardize the parallelism. One mismatch occurs with (39c), where English does not allow *What must there happen?, although it is an unaccusative in a raising structure, cf. What could there possibly have happened to upset her? Three other examples fine in Basque but not in English are given in Goenaga (2006:461); one has a weak definite that sometimes allow the existential construction in English (Poesio 1994), two others are fine in the existential construction of French with properties similar to that of English. Independent factors should explain these differences.
Further support for putting vABS in INF is that (modulo other factors) attributing vABS to behar above INF would make INF + behar an ECM structure like gerund + perception verb in Sect. 3, and as there, the external argument of INF below vABS should be absolutive.
We have not specified how INF and behar come together in (42), in particular how the phi-features of vABS in INF end up on the agreeing auxiliary with those of TERG while behar remains a separate element. If INF is the complement of behar, we may posit movement of vABS from INF to TERG through behar by excorporation (Roberts 2010), or phi-feature sharing through the extended projection of a clause without movement (Zwart 1997:6.2; Chomsky 2008:143–144, 159 note 262). This issue does not arise if behar is rather predicated of INF. Etxepare and Uribe-Etxebarria (2012) analyse [INF behar] as a small clause parallel to (i), where adiskideak is just such a secondary predicate or predicate complement of zuek, and thus does not interfere in the agreement of vABS with zuek and in v-raising or phi-transmission to the auxiliary. (See Goenaga 2006:407f. for another behar construction of this type, and de Rijk 2008:14.1 on this structure in Basque generally.)
- (i)
Exactly when and how is debated (see op.cit.). It is unlikely that the nominative in (46) is default or inherent, since it alternates between nominative and accusative and controls agreement on intervening participles, unlike inherent and default Case both (Rezac 2013: note 17, with literature).
See Sigurðsson and Holmberg (2008) for relativized minimality and Nomura (2005) and Bobaljik (2008) for phases applied to the Icelandic type (46). Either phases or minimal domains are suited to explaining how Agree is blocked across a dative at the edge of an infinitive, (46) in Icelandic and INF + behar in Basque, without being blocked when the probe, the dative, and goal are part of the same minimal vP/TP in Icelandic (45) (Sigurðsson and Holmberg 2008) and in Basque simple unaccusatives/transitives (Rezac 2008b; cf. for unaccusatives with TERG Albizu and Fernández 2002:81–83), although in that case the dative does interfere with person Agree (Anagnostopoulou 2003).
Some dialects, which require low datives in unaccusatives to agree in monopredicate structures, permit them not to agree in INF + behar (Albizu and Fernández 2002; Ortiz de Urbina 2003c:3.5.5). The dative is then not doubled by DAT and does not block Agree in (47). This option might simply involve the use of a smaller INF, without the functional architecture that doubles datives by DAT.
The status of the ergative as a marked case receives some support from the availability of finite CPs only in positions where a DP could be the default absolutive or not Case-licensed (Artiagoitia 2003:4.10.1.1.7, 4.10.1.2.1.1), but the phenomenon remains to be fully understood (Albizu 2008). See Davies and Dubinsky (2010) for a recent re-evaluation of comparable Case Resistance phenomena in English.
A more orthodox syntax for (ii) would have simple TERG Agree, valuing TERG’s [uphi] and the goal’s [uCase], and posit that the realization of Case at PF depends on position: ergative KP in Spec,TERG of TERG that agrees with it, default (absolutive) in the domain of vABS. Two important issues arise. One is that the conditions on the realization of case restate those that define movement, Agree + Merge, whereas arguments for the morphological determination of case and/or agreement start from their mismatches with syntax (Marantz 2000 generally; Deal 2010 for Nez Perce ergative case but not agreement). The second is the power of the PF component needed: the information to which case realization must refer would not be phrase-structurally local, since ergative KPs can be A′-moved away from the Spec,TERG where they are licensed, nor overt, since ergative case occurs even when agreement with TERG is systematically not spelled out in nonfinite clauses. It remains under discussion whether spell-out accesses and affects sufficiently syntax-like structures to achieve this outcome (Bonet 1991; Marantz 2000; Nunes 1999; Bobaljik and Branigan 2006; Rezac 2011a: Chap. 2). A decisive argument for a syntactic approach would be different syntactic behavior of ergative and absolutive (Rezac 2011a: Chap. 3 for other systems). In Basque they mostly have the same properties, with hints of differences (Etxeberria and Etxepare 2012 and references).
An alternative could be developed where valuation is optional provided it occur once per goal.
TERG-vAg selection challenges the locality of selection under sisterhood if there are intervening categories. This is a known issue of the “cartographic” research program that posits them, such as Force-Fin/I selection across Top, Foc, Int in Rizzi (1997:283–285). Proposals have suggested retaining the basic C-T-v system as far as selection is concerned, for instance by viewing its expansion as reprojection of C, T, v for different features (Shlonsky 2006, 2010:427; Chomsky 2008:148; differently Boeckx 2008:157).
Much work on structural ergativity proposes that accusative and ergative instantiate dependent Case that depends directly or indirectly on the assignment of nominative and absolutive (Levin and Massam 1985; Marantz 2000; Laka 1993a, 2000; Bittner and Hale 1996a, 1996b; Rezac 2011a:5.5). One way to integrate accusative/ergative unaccusatives is to make them transitive for Agree/Case through expletive pro that bears nominative/absolutive; see Bittner and Hale (1996b:35ff.) and Laka (1993a, 2000) for this device, and particularly Szucsich (2007) for Russian adversity impersonals and Haider (2001), Wurmbrand (2006), Schäfer (2008:7.4) for Icelandic fate unaccusatives. For INF + behar, the starting point would be the nominal character of behar or of INF, which would allow the postulation of matrix vABS that Agrees with them, leaving TERG to Agree with the subject of INF (Rezac 2011a:223 note 32). This would recapitulate the origin of modal behar, originally have [need INF] or have [INF (as) need], reanalysed with behar as verb due to the identity of lexical have/be with +ERG/-ERG auxiliaries (cf. Mounole 2010; Goenaga 2006), yielding a class of ‘compound verbs’ whose main element has lost its nominal properties but assumed only some verbal ones, such as compatibility with the future suffix -ko but not gerund -tze- (de Rijk 2008: Chap. 14; Hualde et al. 2003:3.5.4; Etxepare and Uribe-Etxebarria 2012).
Woolford (1997) explicitly argues that Case Theory provides for no structural ergative and no ergative-accusative parametrization; see in particular Woolford (1997:181–182, 198, 222–223). Legate (2006:171 note 26) leaves open the possibility that there might be split-S systems where S=A Case (nominative alignment) reflects nominative/T-Case rather than inherent ergative and S=O Case (ergative alignment) reflects accusative/v-Case assigned without T-Case, as on the analysis we advance in Sect. 5 (we thank a reviewer for pointing this out to us). However, this seems problematic for the argument of Legate (2008:58, 90, 2012:182–187) that the inherent character of the ergative derives Marantz’s generalization that derived subjects universally cannot be ergative. The argument requires a characterization of the ergative independent of the argued-for claim that it is inherent, and this characterization must encompass split-S/aspect systems like those of Georgian adduced as an example.
For Bobaljik and Branigan ERG is distinctive by resulting from multiple Agree; for Bittner and Hale ERG and ACC are both dependent Cases but differ in the configurations and competitors that license them.
We are grateful to J. Manterola for bringing this work to our attention.
References
Abney, Steven. 1987. The English noun phrase in its sentential aspect. Doctoral diss., MIT.
Adger, David. 2003. Core syntax: a minimalist approach. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Aissen, Judith. 1975. Presentational-there insertion: a cyclic root transformation. In Papers from the regional meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society (CLS), Vol. 11, 1–14. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society.
Albizu, Pablo. 1997. Generalized Person-Case Constraint: a case for a syntax-driven inflectional morphology. In Theoretical issues on the morphology-syntax interface, eds. Myriam Uribe-Etxebarria and Amaya Mendikoetxea, 1–33. Donostia: UPV/EHU.
Albizu, Pablo. 2001a. Datibo sintagmen izaera sintaktikoaren inguruan: eztabaidarako oinarrizko zenbait datu. In On Case and agreement, eds. Beatriz Fernández and Pablo Albizu, 49–69. Bilbao: UPV/EHU.
Albizu, Pablo. 2001b. Sobre la distribución sintáctica de las formas finitas del verbo vasco. Anuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca “Julio de Urquijo” 35: 65–106.
Albizu, Pablo. 2002. Basque verbal morphology: redefining cases. In Erramu boneta, eds. Xabier Artiagoitia, Patxi Goenaga, and Joseba A. Lakarra, 1–19. Bilbao: UPV/EHU.
Albizu, Pablo. 2007. Euskararen ergatibotasuna. Handout from Koldo Mitxelena Katedraren II. Biltzarra, UPV/EHU Gasteiz, 8–11.10.2007.
Albizu, Pablo. 2008. Tensed clauses and Case theory. Handout from licensing conditions at the interface. UPV/EHU Donostia, 23–24.6.2008.
Albizu, Pablo. 2011. Micro-variación en las construcciones inacusativas de dativo posesivo del euskera. Handout from Wedisyn’s Second Workshop on Syntactic Variation, Universitat de Barcelona, 17–18.2.2011.
Albizu, Pablo, and Luis Eguren. 2000. Ergative displacement in Basque. In Morphological analysis in comparison, eds. Wolfgang U. Drexler et al., 1–25. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Albizu, Pablo, and Beatriz Fernández. 2002. Datives’ intervention effect on ergativity in Basque. Ms., University of the Basque Country. Presented at the XII Coloquio de Gramática Generativa, Universidad Nova de Lisboa, 15–17.4.2002.
Albizu, Pablo, and Beatriz Fernández. 2006. Licit and illicit ERG-DAT pairings. In Andolin gogoan, eds. Beatriz Fernández and Itziar Laka, 69–96. Bilbao: UPV/EHU.
Aldai, Gontzal. 2009. Is Basque morphologically ergative? Studies in Language 33: 783–831.
Aldridge, Edith. 2004. Ergativity and word order in Austronesian languages. Doctoral diss., Cornell University.
Alexiadou, Artemis, and Elena Anagnostopoulou. 2001. The subject-in-situ generalization and the role of Case in driving computations. Linguistic Inquiry 32: 193–231.
Alexiadou, Artemis, and Elena Anagnostopoulou. 2007. The subject-in-situ generalization revisited. In Interfaces + recursion = language? eds. Uli Sauerland and Hans-Martin Gärtner, 31–60. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Anagnostopoulou, Elena. 2003. The syntax of ditransitives. The Hague: de Gruyter.
Anand, Pranav, and Andrew Nevins. 2006. The locus of ergative assignment: evidence from scope. In Ergativity: emerging issues, eds. Alana Johns, Diane Massam, and Juvenal Ndayiragije, 3–26. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic.
Andrews, Avery. 1982. The representation of case in Modern Icelandic. In The mental representation of grammatical relations, ed. Joan Bresnan, 427–503. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Andrews, Avery. 1990. Case structures and control in Modern Icelandic. In Modern Icelandic syntax, eds. J. Maling and A. Zaenen, 187–234. London: Academic Press.
Andrews, Avery. 2010. Quirky Case and ‘co-generative’ LFG+Glue. Ms., The Australian National University. http://ling.auf.net.
Arregi, Karlos, and Andrew Nevins. 2012. Morphotactics: Basque auxiliaries and the structure of spellout. Dordrecht: Springer.
Arteatx, Iñigo. 2007. Euskarazko oharmen-aditzen osagarrietako perpaus jokatugabeak. Uztaro 63: 31–63.
Artiagoitia, Xabier. 2001a. Seemingly ergative and ergatively seeming. In Features and interfaces in Romance, eds. Julia Herschensohn, Enrique Mallén, and Karen Zagona, 1–22. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Artiagoitia, Xabier. 2001b. Irudiak eta emaileak. Ms., University of the Basque Country.
Artiagoitia, Xabier. 2003. Subordination. In A grammar of Basque, eds. José Ignacio Hualde and Jon Ortiz de Urbina, 632–761. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Bailyn, John. 2011. The syntax of Russian. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Baker, Mark, and Nadya Vinokurova. 2010. Two modalities of case assignment: case in Sakha. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 28: 593–642.
Bedaxagar, Maider. 2010. Ergatibitatea eta euskara. Masters thesis, IKER-UMR5478, Bayonne.
Belletti, Adriana. 2008. Extended doubling and the VP periphery. Probus 17: 1–35.
Bhatt, Rajesh. 2006. Long-distance agreement in Hindi-Urdu. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 23: 757–807.
Bittner, Maria, and Kenneth Hale. 1996a. Ergativity. Linguistic Inquiry 27: 531–604.
Bittner, Maria, and Kenneth Hale. 1996b. The structural determination of Case and agreement. Linguistic Inquiry 27: 1–68.
Bobaljik, Jonathan David. 1993. Ergativity and ergative unergatives. In Papers on Case and agreement 2, Vol. 19 of MIT working papers in linguistics, 45–88. Cambridge: MITWPL.
Bobaljik, Jonathan David. 2008. Where’s phi? In Phi theory, eds. Daniel Harbour, David Adger, and Susana Béjar, 295–328. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Bobaljik, Jonathan David, and Phillip Branigan. 2006. Eccentric agreement and multiple Case checking. In Ergativity: emerging issues, eds. Alana Johns, Diane Massam, and Juvenal Ndayiragije, 47–77. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic.
Bobaljik, Jonathan David, and Susi Wurmbrand. 2012. Word order and scope. Linguistic Inquiry 43: 371–421.
Boeckx, Cedric. 2008. Bare syntax. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Boeckx, Cedric, Norbert Hornstein, and Jairo Nunes. 2010. Control as movement. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Bonet, Eulàlia. 1991. Morphology after syntax. Doctoral diss., MIT.
Bošković, Željko. 2002. A-movement and the EPP. Syntax 5: 167–218.
Branigan, Phil, and Marguerite McKenzie. 2002. Altruism, A′-movement, and object agreement in Innu-aimûn. Linguistic Inquiry 33: 385–407.
Bruening, Benjamin. 2001. Syntax at the edge: cross-clausal phenomena and the syntax of Passamaquoddy. Doctoral diss., MIT.
Burzio, Luigi. 1986. Italian syntax: a government-binding approach. Dordrecht: D. Reidel.
Butt, Miriam. 2006. Theories of Case. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Caha, Pavel. 2009. The nanosyntax of Case. Doctoral diss., University of Tromsø/CASTL.
Cardinaletti, Anna, and Ur Shlonsky. 2004. Clitic positions and restructuring in Italian. Linguistic Inquiry 35: 519–557.
Carstens, Vicky. 2003. Agree with a Case-checked goal. Linguistic Inquiry 34: 393–412.
Cecchetto, Carlo. 2004. Explaining the locality conditions of QR: consequences for the theory of phases. Natural Language Semantics 12: 345–397.
Chierchia, Gennaro. 1984. Topics in the syntax and semantics of infinitives and gerunds. Doctoral diss., University of Massachusetts, Amherst.
Chierchia, Gennaro. 1995. The variability of impersonal subjects. In Quantification in natural languages, eds. Emmon Bach, Eloise Jelinek, Angelika Kratzer, and Barbara H. Partee, 107–143. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic.
Chomsky, Noam. 1981. Lectures on government and binding. Dordrecht: Foris.
Chomsky, Noam. 1986. Knowledge of language. New York: Praeger.
Chomsky, Noam. 1995. The minimalist program. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Chomsky, Noam. 2000. Minimalist inquiries: the framework. In Step by step, eds. Roger Martin, David Michaels, and Juan Uriagereka, 89–156. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Chomsky, Noam. 2001. Derivation by phase. In Ken Hale: A life in language, ed. Michael Kenstowicz, 1–52. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Chomsky, Noam. 2004. Beyond explanatory adequacy. In Structures and beyond: the cartography of syntactic structures 3, ed. Adriana Belletti, 104–131. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Chomsky, Noam. 2007. Approaching UG from below. In Interfaces + recursion = language? eds. Uli Sauerland and Hans-Martin Gärtner, 1–29. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Chomsky, Noam. 2008. On phases. In Foundational issues in linguistic theory, eds. Robert Freidin, Carlos P. Otero, and María Luisa Zubizarreta, 133–166. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Chomsky, Noam, and Howard Lasnik. 1995[1993]. The theory of principles and parameters. In The minimalist program, ed. Noam Chomsky, 13–128. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Cinque, Guglielmo. 2004. “Restructuring” and functional architecture. In Structures and beyond: the cartography of syntactic structures 3, ed. Adriana Belletti, 132–191. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Cohen, Ariel, and Nomi Erteschik-Schir. 2002. Topic, focus, and the interpretation of bare plurals. Natural Language and Semantics 10: 125–165.
Collins, Chris. 2002. Eliminating labels. In Derivation and explanation in the minimalist program, eds. Samuel D. Epstein and T. D. Seely, 42–64. Oxford: Blackwell.
Collins, Chris, and Höskuldur Thráinsson. 1996. VP-internal structure and Object Shift in Icelandic. Linguistic Inquiry 27: 391–444.
Couquaux, Daniel. 1981. French predication and linguistic theory. In Levels of syntactic representation, eds. Jan Koster and Robert May, 33–64. Dordrecht: Foris.
Coyos, Jean-Baptiste. 1999. Le parler basque souletin des Arbailles: une approche de l’ergativité. Paris: L’Harmattan.
D’Alessandro, Roberta. 2007. Impersonal si constructions. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Daniel, Michael, Timur Maisak, and Somaz Merdanova. 2012. In Argument structure and grammatical relations: a crosslinguistic typology, eds. Pirkko Suihkonen, Bernard Comrie, and Valery Solovyev, 55–114. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Davies, William S., and Stanley Dubinsky. 2004. The grammar of raising and control. Oxford: Blackwell.
Davies, William S., and Stanley Dubinsky. 2010. On the existence (and distribution) of sentential subjects. In Hypothesis A, hypothesis B, eds. Donna B. Gerdts, John C. Moore, and Maria Polinsky, 111–128. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Davison, Alice. 2004. Structural case, lexical case and the verbal projection. In Clause structure in South Asian languages, eds. Veneeta Dayal and Anoop K. Mahajan, 199–225. Berlin: Springer.
Davison, Alice. 2006. Dependent structural Case and the role of functional projections.
Davison, Alice. 2008. A case restriction on control. Journal of South Asian Linguistics 1: 29–54.
Deal, Amy Rose. 2009. The origin and content of expletive: evidence from “selection”. Syntax 12: 285–323.
Deal, Amy Rose. 2010. Ergative case and the transitive subject: a view from Nez Perce. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 28: 73–120.
Deguchi, Masanori. 2006. The role of information structure in multiple quantification sentences. In Syntax and beyond, Indiana university working papers in linguistics 5. http://www.indiana.edu/~iulc/.
Deo, Ashwini, and Devyani Sharma. 2004. Typological variation in the ergative morphology of Indo-Aryan languages. Linguistic Typology 10: 369–418.
Diesing, Molly. 1992. Indefinites. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Diesing, Molly. 1997. Yiddish VP order and the typology of object movement in Germanic. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 15: 369–427.
Diesing, Molly, and Eloise Jelinek. 1995. Distributing arguments. Natural Language Semantics 3: 123–176.
den Dikken, Marcel. 2007. Phase extension: a reply. Theoretical Linguistics 33: 133–163.
Dixon, Robert M. W. 1994. Ergativity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Doron, Edit, and Geoffrey Khan. 2010. The typology of morphological ergativity in Neo-Aramaic. Ms., The Hebrew University of Jerusalem and University of Cambridge. http://ling.auf.net.
Dotlačil, Jakub. 2004. The syntax of infinitives in Czech. MA thesis, University of Tromsø.
Duguine, Maia. 2010. Basque nominalizations and the role of structural Case in the licensing of null arguments. Ms., University of the Basque Country.
Etxeberria, Urtzi. 2005. Quantification and domain restriction in Basque. Doctoral diss., University of the Basque Country.
Etxeberria, Urtzi. 2009. Contextually restricted quantification in Basque. In Quantification, definiteness and nominalization, eds. Anastasia Giannakidou and Monika Rathert, 76–107. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Etxeberria, Urtzi. 2010. Making a definite be interpreted as indefinite. Journal of Portuguese Linguistics 9: 29–52.
Etxeberria, Urtzi, and Ricardo Etxepare. 2012. Number agreement in Basque. In Noun phrases and nominalization in Basque, eds. Urtzi Etxeberria, Ricardo Etxepare, and Myriam Uribe-Etxebarria, 149–178. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Etxepare, Ricardo. 2003a. Valency and argument structure in the Basque verb. In A grammar of Basque, eds. Jon Ortiz de Urbina and José Ignacio Hualde, 363–384. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Etxepare, Ricardo. 2003b. Negation. In A grammar of Basque, eds. Jon Ortiz de Urbina and José Ignacio Hualde, 516–563. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Etxepare, Ricardo. 2003c. Urruneko komunztadura eta menpeko infinitiboak euskaraz. Lapurdum 8: 167–206.
Etxepare, Ricardo. 2006. Number long distance agreement in (substandard) Basque. In In honor of Larry Trask, eds. Joseba Lakarra and José Ignacio Hualde, 303–350. Donostia: Diputación Foral de Gipuzkoa.
Etxepare, Ricardo. 2012. Agreement configurations: lessons from distance. Habilitation thesis, IKER, CNRS.
Etxepare, Ricardo, and Jon Ortiz de Urbina. 2003. Focalization. In A grammar of Basque, eds. Jon Ortiz de Urbina and José Ignacio Hualde, 459–478. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Etxepare, Ricardo, and Beñat Oyharçabal. 2009. Bi datibo egitura ifar-ekialdeko zenbait hizkeratan. Lapurdum XIII: 145–158.
Etxepare, Ricardo, and Beñat Oyharçabal. 2012. Datives and adpositions in North-Eastern Basque. In Variation in datives: a micro-comparative perspective, eds. Beatriz Fernández and Ricardo Etxepare, 50–95. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Etxepare, Ricardo, and Myriam Uribe-Etxebarria. 2009. Hitz hurrenkera eta birregituraketa euskaraz. In Festschrift for Beñat Oyharçabal, eds. Ricardo Etxepare, Ricardo Gómez, and Joseba A. Lakarra. Vol. 43 of Anuario del seminario de filología Vasca “Julio de Urquijo”, 335–356.
Etxepare, Ricardo, and Myriam Uribe-Etxebarria. 2012. Denominal necessity modals in Basque. In Noun phrases and nominalization in Basque, eds. Urtzi Etxeberria, Ricardo Etxepare, and Myrian Uribe-Etxebarria, 283–332. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Eythórsson, Thórhallur. 2008. The new passive in Icelandic really is a passive. In Grammatical change and linguistic theory, ed. T. Eythórsson, 173–219. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins.
Felser, Claudia. 1998. Perception and control. Journal of Linguistics 34: 351–385.
Felser, Claudia. 1999. Verbal complement clauses. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Fernández, Beatriz. 1997. Egiturazko kasuaren erkaketa euskaraz. Doctoral diss., University of the Basque Country.
Fernández, Beatriz. 2001. Absolutibo komunztaduradun ergatiboak, absolutibo komunztaduradun datiboak: Ergatiboaren Lekualdatzetik Datiboaren Lekualdatzera. In On case and agreement, eds. Beatriz Fernández and Pablo Albizu, 147–165. Bilbao: UPV/EHU.
Fernández, Beatriz. 2011. Goi- eta behe-datiboak eta datibo-komunztaduraren murriztapena. In Euskal dialektologia: lehena eta oraina [Supplements of ASJU LXIX], ed. Irantzu Epelde, 37–63. Bilbao: UPV/EHU.
Fernández, Beatriz, and Jon Ortiz de Urbina. 2010. Datiboa hiztegian. Bilbao: UPV/EHU.
von Fintel, Kai. 2004. A minimal theory of adverbial quantification. In Context-dependence in the analysis of linguistic meaning, eds. Hans Kamp and Barbara Partee, 137–175. Oxford: Elsevier.
von Fintel, Kai, and Sabine Iatridou. 2003. Epistemic containment. Linguistic Inquiry 34: 173–198.
Frampton, John, and Sam Gutmann. 1999. Cyclic computation, a computationally efficient minimalist syntax. Syntax 2: 1–27.
Francez, Itamar. 2009. Existentials, predication, and modification. Linguistics and Philosophy 32: 1–50.
Freidin, Robert, and Rex A. Sprouse. 1991. Lexical case phenomena. In Principles and parameters in comparative grammar, ed. Robert Freidin, 392–416. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Goenaga, Patxi. 2006. BEHAR-en lekua euskal hiztegian eta gramatikan. In Andolin gogoan: essays in honour of professor Eguzkitza, eds. Beatriz Fernández and Itziar Laka, 397–416. Bilbao: UPV/EHU.
Grepl, Miroslav, and Petr Karlík. 1983. Gramatické prostředky hierarchizace sémantické struktury věty. Brno: Univerzita J. E. Purkyně.
Haddican, Bill. 2005. Two kinds of restructuring infinitives in Basque. In Proceedings of WCCFL 24, 182–190. Somerville: Cascadilla Press.
Haider, Hubert. 2001. How to stay accusative in insular Germanic. Working Papers in Scandinavian Syntax 68: 1–14.
Haig, Geoffrey L. J. 2006. Alignment change in Iranian languages. Berlin: de Grutyer.
Heim, Irene. 1987. Where does the definiteness constraint apply? In The representation of (in)definiteness, eds. Eric Reuland and Alice ter Meulen, 21–42. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Heim, Irene, and Angelika Kratzer. 1998. Semantics in generative grammar. Oxford: Blackwell.
Hiraiwa, Ken. 2005. Dimensions of symmetry in syntax. Doctoral diss., MIT.
Holmberg, Anders, and Christer Platzack. 1995. The role of inflection in Scandinavian syntax. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Holmberg, Anders, and David Odden. 2004. Ergativity and role-marking in Hawrami. Handout from Syntax of the World’s Languages 1, University of Leipzig, 5–8.8.2004. http://www.eva.mpg.de/~cschmidt/SWL1/handouts/Holmberg-Odden.pdf.
de Hoop, Helen, and Andrej L. Malchukov. 2009. Case-marking strategies. Linguistic Inquiry 39: 565–587.
Hornstein, Norbert. 1998. Movement and chains. Syntax 1: 99–127.
Hualde, José Ignacio, Beñat Oyharçabal, and Jon Ortiz de Urbina. 2003. Finite forms. In A grammar of Basque, eds. Jon Ortiz de Urbina and José Ignacio Hualde, 205–245. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Johns, Alana. 1992. Deriving ergativity. Linguistic Inquiry 23: 57–88.
Johns, Alana. 2000. Ergativity: a perspective on recent work. In The first GLOT international state of the article book: the latest in linguistics, eds. Lisa Cheng and R. Sybesma, 47–73. The Hague: de Gruyter.
Johns, Alana, Diane Massam, and Juvenal Ndayiragije, eds. 2006. Ergativity: emerging issues. Dordrecht: Springer.
Jónsson, Johannes Gísli. 1996. Clausal architecture and case in Icelandic. Doctoral diss., University of Massachusetts, Amherst.
Jónsson, Jóhannes Gísli. 2009. The new impersonal as a true passive. In Advances in comparative Germanic syntax, eds. Artemis Alexiadou, Jorge Hankamer, Thomas McFadden, Justin Nuger, and Florian Schäfer, 249–279. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Kayne, Richard. 2004. Prepositions as probes. In Structures and beyond: the cartography of syntactic structures 3, ed. Adriana Belletti, 192–212. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Kayne, Richard. 2008. Expletives, datives, and the tension between morphology and syntax. In The limits of syntactic variation, ed. Theresa Biberauer, 175–217. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Kitagawa, Yoshihisa. 1994. Shells, yolks, and scrambled e.g.s. In Proceedings of NELS, Vol. 24, 221–239. Amherst: GLSA.
Korn, Agnes. 2009. The ergative system in Balochi from a typological perspective. Iranian Journal of Applied Language Studies 1: 43–79.
Kulikov, Leonid. 2009. Evolution of case systems. In The Oxford handbook of Case, eds. Andrej Malchukov and Andrew Spencer, 439–457. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Kratzer, Angelika. 1995. Stage-level and individual-level predicates. In The generic book, eds. Gregory N. Carlson and Francis J. Pelletier, 125–175. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Laka, Itziar. 1990. Negation in syntax. Doctoral diss., MIT.
Laka, Itziar. 1993a. The structure of inflection. In Generative studies in Basque linguistics, eds. Jon Ortiz de Urbina and José Ignacio Hualde, 21–70. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Laka, Itziar. 1993b. Unergatives that assign ergative, unaccusatives that assign accusative. In Papers on Case and agreement 1. Vol. 18 of MIT working papers in linguistics, 149–172. Cambridge: MITWPL.
Laka, Itziar. 2000. Thetablind Case: Burzio’s generalisation and its image in the mirror. In Arguments and Case, ed. Eric Reuland, 103–129. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Laka, Itziar. 2006a. Deriving split ergativity in the progressive. In Ergativity: emerging issues, eds. Alana Johns, Diane Massam, and Juvenal Ndayiragije, 173–196. Dordrecht: Springer.
Laka, Itziar. 2006b. On the nature of case in Basque: structural or inherent? In Organizing grammar, eds. Hans Broekhuis, Norbert Corver, Riny Huybregts, Ursula Kleinhenz, and Jan Koster, 374–382. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Lakarra, Joseba. 2005. Prolegómenos a la reconstrucción de segundo grado y al análisis del cambio tipológico en (proto)vasco. Paleohispanica 5: 407–470.
Landau, Idan. 2001. Elements of control. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic.
Landau, Idan. 2004. The scale of finiteness and the calculus of control. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 22: 811–877.
Lavine, James. 2005. The morphosyntax of Polish and Ukrainian -no/-to. Journal of Slavic Linguistics 13: 75–117.
Lavine, James, and Steven Franks. 2008. On accusative first. In Formal approaches to Slavic linguistics: the Stony Brook meeting, eds. John Bailyn, Andrei Antonenko, and Christina Bethin, 231–247. Ann Arbor: Michigan Slavic Publications.
Legate, Julie Anne. 2005. Phases and cyclic agreement. In Perspectives on phases. Vol. 49 of MIT working papers in linguistics, 147–156. Cambridge: MITWPL.
Legate, Julie Anne. 2006. Split absolutive. In Ergativity: emerging issues, eds. Alana Johns, Diane Massam, and Juvenal Ndayiragije, 143–172. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic.
Legate, Julie Anne. 2008. Morphological and abstract case. Linguistic Inquiry 39: 55–101.
Legate, Julie Anne. 2012. Types of ergativity. Lingua 122: 181–191.
Levin, Juliette, and Diane Massam. 1985. Surface ergativity: Case/Theta relations reexamined. In Proceedings of NELS, Vol. 15, 286–301. Amherst: GLSA.
Mahajan, Anoop Kumar. 1996. Universal grammar and the typology of ergative languages. In Universal grammar and typological variation, eds. Artemis Alexiadou and T. Alan Hall, 35–57. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Mahajan, Anoop Kumar. 2012. Ergatives, antipassives, and the overt light v in Hindi. Lingua 122: 204–214.
Maling, Joan, and Rex A. Sprouse. 1995. Structural Case, specifier-head relations, and the case of predicate NPs. In Studies in comparative Germanic syntax, eds. Hubert Haider, Susan Olsen, and Sten Vikner, 167–186. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic.
Maling, Joan, and Sigríður Sigurjónsdóttir. 2002. The ‘new impersonal’ construction in Icelandic. Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics 5: 97–142.
Marantz, Alec. 2000[1991]. Case and licensing. In Arguments and Case, ed. Eric Reuland, 11–30. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Markman, Vita G., and Pavel Grashchenkov. 2012. On the adpositional nature of ergative subjects. Lingua 122: 257–266.
Martin, Roger. 2001. Null Case and the distribution of PRO. Linguistic Inquiry 32: 141–166.
Martínez, Mikel. 2009. The linguistic reconstruction of proto-Basque: II. Historical morphology of the noun. Mikroglottika Yearbook 2: 11–120.
Masica, Colin P. 1991. The Indo-Aryan languages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Massam, Diane. 2006. Neither absolutive nor ergative is nominative or accusative. In Ergativity: emerging issues, eds. Alana Johns, Diane Massam, and Juvenal Ndayiragije, 47–77. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic.
McCloskey, James. 1983. Raising, subcategorization and selection in Modern Irish. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 1: 441–485.
McNally, Louise. 2011. Existential sentences. In Semantics, eds. Claudia Maienborn, Klaus von Heusinger, and Paul Portner. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Medová, Lucie. 2009. Reflexive clitics in the Slavic and Romance languages. Doctoral diss., Princeton University.
Mendikoetxea, Amaya. 2008. Clitic impersonal constructions in Romance. Transactions of the Philological Society 106: 290–336.
Merchant, Jason. 2004. Fragments and ellipsis. Linguistics and Philosophy 27: 661–738.
Milner, Claude. 1982. Ordres et raisons de langue. Paris: Seuil.
Milsark, Gary Lee. 1974. Existential sentences in English. Doctoral diss., MIT.
Mohanan, Tara. 1994. Argument structure in Hindi. Stanford: CSLI.
Moulton, Keir. 2013. Raising from the dead. Linguistic Inquiry 44: 157–167.
Mounole, Celine. 2010. Alineazio aldaketak euskararen diakronian. In Euskara eta euskarak: aldakortasun sintaktikoa aztergai [Supplements of ASJU LII], eds. Beatriz Fernández, Pablo Albizu, and Ricardo Etxepare, 151–170.
Müller, Gereon. 2010. On deriving CED effects from the PIC. Linguistic Inquiry 41: 35–82.
Murasugi, Kumiko. 1992. Crossing and nested paths: NP movement in accusative and ergative languages. Doctoral diss., MIT.
Nash, Léa. 1995. The internal ergative subject hypothesis. In Proceedings of NELS 26, 195–209. Amherst: GLSA.
Nomura, Masashi. 2005. Nominative Case and AGREE. Doctoral diss., University of Connecticut.
Nunes, Jairo. 1999. Linearization of chains and phonetic realization of chain links. In Working minimalism, eds. Samuel D. Epstein and Norbert Hornstein, 217–249. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Ortiz de Urbina, Jon. 1989. Parameters in the grammar of Basque. Dordrecht: Foris.
Ortiz de Urbina, Jon. 2003a. Causatives. In A grammar of Basque, eds. Jon Ortiz de Urbina and José Ignacio Hualde, 592–607. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Ortiz de Urbina, Jon. 2003b. Impersonal clauses. In A grammar of Basque, eds. Jon Ortiz de Urbina and José Ignacio Hualde, 572–591. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Ortiz de Urbina, Jon. 2003c. Periphrastic constructions. In A grammar of Basque, eds. Jon Ortiz de Urbina and José Ignacio Hualde, 284–299. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Ortiz de Urbina, Jon. 2003d. Semiauxiliary verbs. In A grammar of Basque, eds. Jon Ortiz de Urbina and José Ignacio Hualde, 300–315. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Oyharçabal, Beñat. 1992. Structural Case and inherent case marking: ergaccusativity in Basque. In Syntactic theory and Basque syntax, eds. Joseba A. Lakarra and Jon Ortiz de Urbina, 309–342. Donostia: Gipuzkoako Diputazioa.
Oyharçabal, Beñat. 2000. A propos de l’ergativité: Le cas du basque. Cérès 120: 237–259.
Pesetsky, David. 1982. Paths and categories. Doctoral diss., MIT.
Pesetsky, David. 2010. Russian case morphology and syntactic categories. Ms., MIT.
Pesetsky, David, and Esther Torrego. 2006. Probes, goals and syntactic categories. Ms., MIT and the University of Massachusetts at Boston.
Pesetsky, David, and Esther Torrego. 2007. The syntax of valuation and the interpretability of features. In Phrasal and clausal architecture, eds. Simin Karimi, Vida Samiian, and Wendy K. Wilkins, 262–294. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Pires, Acrisio. 2007. The derivation of clausal gerunds. Syntax 10: 165–203.
Poesio, Massimo. 1994. Weak definites. In Proceedings of SALT 4, 282–299. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
Portner, Paul. 2009. Modality. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Potsdam, Eric, and Jeffrey T. Runner. 2001. Richard returns: copy-raising and its implications. In Papers from the 37th regional meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society, 206–222. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society.
Preminger, Omer. 2009. Breaking agreements. Linguistic Inquiry 40: 619–666.
Preminger, Omer. 2012. The absence of an implicit object from unergatives: new and old evidence from Basque. Lingua 122: 278–288.
Rebuschi, George. 1983. Structure de l’énoncé en Basque. Paris: SELAF.
Rezac, Milan. 2003. The fine structure of cyclic Agree. Syntax 6: 156–182.
Rezac, Milan. 2004. Elements of cyclic syntax. Doctoral diss., University of Toronto.
Rezac, Milan. 2006. Agreement displacement in Basque. Ms., University of the Basque Country.
Rezac, Milan. 2008a. Phi-Agree and theta-related Case. In Phi theory: phi-features across interfaces and modules, eds. Daniel Harbour, David Adger, and Susana Béjar, 83–129. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Rezac, Milan. 2008b. The syntax of eccentric agreement: The Person Case Constraint and absolutive displacement in Basque. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 26: 61–106.
Rezac, Milan. 2009a. On the unifiability of repairs of the Person Case Constraint: French, Basque, Georgian, and Chinook. In Festschrift for Beñat Oyharçabal, eds. Ricardo Etxepare, Ricardo Gómez, and Joseba A. Lakarra. Vol. 43 of Anuario del seminario de filología Vasca “Julio de Urquijo”, 769–790.
Rezac, Milan. 2009b. Person restrictions in Basque intransitives. Lapurdum XIII: 305–322.
Rezac, Milan. 2011a. Phi-features and the modular architecture of language. Dordrecht: Springer.
Rezac, Milan. 2011b. Building and interpreting nonthematic A-positions: A-resumption in English and Breton. In Resumptive pronouns at the interfaces, ed. Alain Rouveret, 241–286. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Rezac, Milan. 2012. The structural ergative of Basque. Handout for Cambridge Comparative Syntax Conference 1, May 19 2012, University of Cambridge.
Rezac, Milan. 2013. Case and licensing: evidence from ECM+DOC. Linguistic Inquiry 44: 299–319.
Rezac, Milan. 2014. Gaps in Basque agreement. Ms., CNRS-IKER.
Richards, Norvin. 2007. Lardil “case stacking” and the structural/inherent Case distinction. Ms., MIT.
de Rijk, Rudolf P. G. 1972. Partitive assignment in Basque. Anuario del Seminario de Filología Vasca “Julio de Urquijo” 6: 130–173.
de Rijk, Rudolf P. G. 2008. Standard Basque. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Rizzi, Luigi. 1997. The fine structure of the left periphery. In Elements of grammar, ed. Liliane Haegeman, 281–337. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic.
Roberts, Ian. 2010. Agreement and head movement. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Rochemont, Michael S., and Peter W. Culicover. 1990. English focus constructions and the theory of grammar. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Runner, Jeffrey. 2006. Lingering challenges to the raising-to-object and object-control constructions. Syntax 9: 193–213.
San Martin, Itziar. 2004. On subordination and the distribution of PRO. Doctoral diss., University of Maryland.
Safir, Ken. 1991. Evaluative predicates and the representation of implicit arguments. In Principles and parameters in comparative grammar, ed. Robert Freidin, 99–131. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Schäfer, Florian. 2008. The syntax of (anti-)causatives. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Schütze, Carson T. 1997. INFL in child and adult language. Doctoral diss., MIT.
Schütze, Carson T. 1999. English expletive constructions are not infected. Linguistic Inquiry 30: 467–484.
Schütze, Carson T. 2001. On the nature of default Case. Syntax 2: 205–238.
Shlonsky, Ur. 2006. Extended projection and CP cartography. Nouveaux cahiers de linguistique française 27: 87–93.
Shlonsky, Ur. 2010. The cartographic enterprise in syntax. Language and Linguistics Compass 4: 417–429.
Sigurðsson, Halldór Ármann. 1991. Icelandic Case-marked PRO and the licensing of lexical arguments. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 9: 327–363.
Sigurðsson, Halldór Ármann. 2000. The locus of case and agreement. Working Papers in Scandinavian Syntax 65: 65–108.
Sigurðsson, Halldór Ármann. 2008. The case of PRO. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 26: 403–450.
Sigurðsson, Halldór Ármann. 2011. On the new passive. Syntax 14: 148–178.
Sigurðsson, Halldór Ármann. 2012. Minimalist c/Case. Linguistic Inquiry 43: 191–227.
Sigurðsson, Halldór Ármann, and Anders Holmberg. 2008. Icelandic dative intervention: person and number are separate probes. In Agreement restrictions, eds. Roberta D’Alessandro, Susan Fischer, and Gunnar Hrafn Hrafnbjargarson, 251–281. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Starke, Michal. 2001. Move dissolves into Merge: a theory of locality. Doctoral diss., University of Geneva.
Stowell, Tim. 1978. What was there before there was there. In Proceedings of CLS, Vol. 14, 457–471.
Stowell, Tim. 1989. Raising in Irish and the projection principle. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 7: 317–359.
Stowell, Tim. 1991. Small clause restructuring. In Principles and parameters in comparative grammar, ed. Robert Freidin, 182–218. Cambridge: MIT Press.
Svenonius, Peter. 2005. Case alternations in the Icelandic passive and middle. In Passives and impersonals in European languages, eds. Satu Manninen, Katrin Hiietam, Elsi Kaiser, and Virve Vihman. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Szabolcsi, Anna. 2010. Overt nominative subjects in infinitival complements cross-linguistically. In NYU working papers 2. http://linguistics.as.nyu.edu/object/linguistics.grad.nyuwpl.
Szucsich, Luka. 2007. Nothing wrong with finite T: non-agreeing accusative impersonal sentences. In Proceedings of Formal Approaches to Slavic Linguistics 15, 401–419. Ann Arbor: Michigan Slavic Publications.
Thráinsson, Höskuldur. 2007. The syntax of Icelandic. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Ura, Hiroyuki. 2000. Checking theory and grammatical functions in Universal Grammar. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Ura, Hiroyuki. 2006. A parametric syntax of aspectually conditioned split-ergativity. In Ergativity: emerging issues, eds. Alana Johns, Diane Massam, and Juvenal Ndayiragije, 111–141. Dordrecht: Springer.
Ussery, Cherlon. 2009. Optionality and variability: Syntactic licensing meets morphological spell-out. Doctoral diss., University of Massachusetts at Amherst.
Vicente, Luis. 2005. Licensing objects with and without movement. In Proceedings of WCCFL, Vol. 24, 362–369. Sommerville: Cascadilla Press.
Williams, Edwin. 1983. Against small clauses. Linguistic Inquiry 14: 287–308.
Wiltschko, Martina. 2008. Person-hierarchy effects without a person hierarchy. In Agreement restrictions, eds. Roberta D’Alessandro, Susan Fischer, and Gunnar Hrafn Hrafnbjargarson, 281–314. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Woolford, Ellen. 1997. Four-way Case systems: ergative, nominative, objective, and accusative. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 15: 181–227.
Woolford, Ellen. 2006. Lexical Case, inherent Case, and argument structure. Linguistic Inquiry 37: 111–130.
Wurmbrand, Susi. 2001. Infinitives. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Wurmbrand, Susi. 2006. Licensing Case. Journal of Germanic Linguistics 18: 174–234.
Wurmbrand, Susi, and Jonathan Bobaljik. 1999. Modals, raising, and A-reconstruction. Handout from presentation at Leiden University, October 1999. http://wurmbrand.uconn.edu/Susi/Scope.html.
Zabala, Igone. 2003. Nominal predication. In A grammar of Basque, eds. Jon Ortiz de Urbina and José Ignacio Hualde, 426–447. Berlin: de Gruyter.
Zwart, Jan-Wouter. 1997. The morphosyntax of verb movement. Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic.
Acknowledgements
We have greatly benefited from the comments of two reviewers and Marcel den Dikken, and we thank them. We are also grateful to participants of Research Nets in Humanities 2010, BCGL 5: Case at the Interfaces, and the Cambridge Conference on Comparative Syntax 1. This research has been partly funded by grants from the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation (FFI2008-00240/FILO, FFI2011-26906 and FFI2011-29218), the Basque Government Research Nets in Humanities (HM-2009-1-1), the Basque Department of Education, Universities and Research (IT769-13), the Agence Nationale de la Recherche (ANR-07-CORP-033), Aquitaine-Euskadi Funds 2012 (“The phrase in Basque and in neighbouring languages”), and the University of the Basque Country (UFI11/14).
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Corresponding author
Rights and permissions
About this article
Cite this article
Rezac, M., Albizu, P. & Etxepare, R. The structural ergative of Basque and the theory of Case. Nat Lang Linguist Theory 32, 1273–1330 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-014-9239-7
Received:
Accepted:
Published:
Issue Date:
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11049-014-9239-7