Abstract
In this paper, we present Singapore’s language policy as a case of flexible responsiveness to demographic and societal shifts as a result of high migration. The particular need to accommodate the enhanced linguistic diversity among the linguistically heterogeneous Indians, previously served by Tamil, has led to the ‘semiofficial’ representation of Hindi, Punjabi, Bengali, Gujarati, and Urdu in the language policy in recent years. Notwithstanding the choices, a majority of the target Indians prefer Hindi over the familial languages as the national status of Hindi in India better meets the multilingual aspirations of transmigrants with uncertain itineraries. The language choices of Indian parents indicate that language values derive from the range of mobility (e.g., translocal or transnational) that languages have promoted or are perceived to help chart in the future. Adopting the metaphor of cartographies of language used by Park (2014), we suggest that these cartographic perceptions pose a challenge to language policies. We attribute the cartographic mismatches between policy and individual goals to distinctions between language valuations. Through an analysis of school enrolment data and ethnographic interviews, we suggest that language in education decisions of transmigrant populations are mediated through valuations of languages that allow the widest radius of mobility across multiple sites rather than attachments to linguistic, ethnic, or national communities.
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Notes
In distinguishing between ‘minority’ and ‘minoritised’, Wee (2014: 183) highlights that the status of languages is not ‘natural’ but the result of historical, political, and economic factors through which some languages are given prominence at the expense of others.
The Ministry of Education mandates that Chinese, Malay, and Tamil students study the official language associated with their racial identity. Non-Tamil Indian students have a choice. While policy details have not been clearly articulated, Indian students interested in studying any language other than Tamil are required to apply for dispensation. This is usually granted to the applicant irrespective of background factors such as residency status, place or birth, etc. Asked to clarify the criteria for permission to study a language other than one’s mother tongue, the Minister of State for Education, Ker Sin Tze, clarified that the option was available only to the non-Tamil Indian students and to pupils of mixed parentage but other students were required to study the mother tongue if available (Ker 1993). This flexibility is not extended towards other ethnic groups such as the Chinese. Thus, the linguistic heterogeneity in the Chinese community has led the state to discourage the use of all dialects other than Mandarin, so that the latter is the only acceptable mother tongue for Chinese Singaporeans. For a discussion as to why this asymmetry in flexibility exists, see Wee (2014).
Members of the category of ‘Others’ (e.g., Eurasians) are free to offer any of the official languages as second language in education.
Despite having the second largest number of speakers, Malayalam could not be included, as it was not offered as an examinable subject by Cambridge.
Administrators with the BTTSAL explain that the total enrolment in Urdu and Bengali includes students from Pakistan and Bangladesh respectively in addition to those from India. While Bengali has the highest rate of growth among all languages, the subject is beyond the scope of this paper.
The only other language to offer PLP is Punjabi with a total enrolment of 13 in 2016.
Since one of the two recruited families has withdrawn from the study, the data has been excluded from this paper.
We thank the anonymous reviewer for rightfully pointing out that while such language perceptions are relevant among the highly educated and well qualified immigrants primarily from urban areas of India, they may not be necessarily shared by all Indians and certainly especially not the less educated Indians in the more remote and rural areas of the country.
Students in most states study three languages given the nation’s TLF. However, since Tamil Nadu prohibits the teaching of Hindi, most students there opt for the classical language, Sanskrit, as the third language.
The official languages can be studied at a higher level at school and grades used for extra academic credits.
There is clearly a class dimension to these sentiments. Being mobile and flexible in terms of work options are affordances that accrue to better-educated and relatively affluent members of the community. It is their retention, either as formalized citizens or as resident elites, that the state is particularly concerned with and therefore it is they who are likely to have a greater voice and impact on language policy (see also Ong 1999).
Abbreviations
- BTTSAL:
-
Board for the teaching and testing of South Asian languages
- NTIL:
-
Non-Tamil Indian language
- PLP:
-
Parallel language program
- EP:
-
Employment pass
- PR:
-
Permanent resident
- SC:
-
Singapore citizen
- F:
-
Female
- M:
-
Male
- LC:
-
Linguistic citizenship
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Jain, R., Wee, L. Cartographic mismatches and language policy: the case of Hindi in Singapore. Lang Policy 17, 99–118 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10993-016-9429-8
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10993-016-9429-8