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Displacement and Testimony: Recent History and the Study of Exile and Post-exile

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Abstract

This article analyzes the testimonial literature of Latin American exile within the wider framework of studies of exile and post-exile. It claims that testimonies have an important role in providing access to the multiple and reflexive voices of exiles and expatriates, which are relevant to the reconstruction of the recent history of Latin America. Their relevance lies in enabling analysis to move beyond the heroic, Byronic vision of exile towards a less idealistic yet more intimate understanding of the gains and losses of territorial displacement, as well as the tensions, ambiguities, and conflicts developing within the communities of exiles, as they face new challenges. Exile testimonies also allow research to trace the development of a broader sense of identity extending beyond territorial borders and expressed in the awareness of being part of national Diasporas and, for many, also a Latin American transnational consciousness.

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Notes

  1. Post-exile is used to imply that return cannot undo completely the impact and scars of exile, even when many of those who were forced to flee abroad under the impact of violence and repression may return. In the literature, one finds early allusions to return as a second exile (see, e.g., Celedón and Opazo 1987). An alternative term, “dis-exile” was coined by writer Mario Benedetti (1985) to suggest the protracted process of accommodation and “undoing of exile” once a returnee comes back. See also Lastra (2014).

  2. Reflexivity is defined here as the process of becoming aware of one’s own assumptions by taking critical distance from ideas and preconceptions shaped by socialization and previous experience.

  3. In 1948–1956 and again in 1968, becoming since then a sojourn until his tragic death in a plane crash in 1983.

  4. The National Movement of Liberation (MLN)-Tupamaros was an urban Leftist guerrilla of the late 1960s, reaching its peak in 1971–1972. The guerrilla was defeated by 1973, when its ranks were decimated by death, prison, or exile, while a civilian-military dictatorship was installed, which lasted until 1985.

  5. The leaders of the Chilean Left and particularly the Chilean Communist Party (ChCP) that, indeed, had not previously opted for armed struggle finally shifted strategies. The ChCP then chose to accept the strategy driven by the Cubans in their struggle against Pinochet, pitching the idea to create the Manuel Rodriguez Patriotic Front (FPMR) and its armed wing and in 1974. Months later, young Chilean militants entered Cuban military academies to be trained there and elsewhere among guerrilla groups in Central America. In September 1980, the Luis Corvalán, ChCP’s General Secretary, announced in Radio Moscow the new strategy of mass popular rebellion, and by 1983, the FPMR began actions in Chile, which included kidnappings, car bombs, and other urban guerrilla tactics. Having formally separated from the Communist Party in 1987, the FPMR continued its guerrilla actions until the mid-1990s, that is, even after the return of democracy in Chile in 1990.

  6. Studies of Latin American exile face the challenge of quantification, an issue discussed by Yankelevich (2007b). Nonetheless, a report on legal and undocumented residents in Spain (Jornadas 1987) identifies domestic work as the most common occupation for tens of thousands of female exiles from Latin America residing in that country.

  7. Even conceding it, new historical research has uncovered long-standing intellectual and diplomatic connections and interactions between Brazil and Spanish-speaking South America. See Preuss 2011; Preuss and Scarfi 2013.

  8. Such broader commitments do not outweigh narrower sociability and concerns. In an interview with the author, the same Mempo Giardinelli recognized that the culture of exile “was a ghetto, and we were conscious of that. What was the utmost concern of exiles? To reconnect with Argentina; the most important thing was to have points of reference in Argentina” (Giardinelli, interview conducted in May 2001).

  9. The term characterizes those individuals who were abducted, tortured and kept as unaccounted prisoners in secret concentration camps in Argentina, and then assassinated without a trace of their remains. Between 10,000 and 30,000 individuals lost their lives in such way during the government of the armed forces ruling Argentina between 1976 and 1983.

  10. The text is written in third person.

  11. Literally, “children,” in fact it is an acronym standing for Hijos por la Identidad y la Justicia contra el Olvido y el Silencio (Children for Identity and Justice and against Oblivion and Silence).

  12. Here, the analysis of Mary Chamberlain is relevant. Describing the “narrative turn” and how it relates to oral history, she pointed out the importance of understanding that a narrative can only represent experience, not reproduce it, and then only through cultural symbols, primarily language. The narrative turn implies that we move from assuming that our interviewees are telling us the past into seeing that they represent it, projecting a “sign of the past” (Chamberlain 2006: 384–407).

  13. The author is currently working together with Leonardo Senkman, Saul Sosnowski and Mario Sznajder on a book-length manuscript approaching such analysis for the cases of Argentina, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay.

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Correspondence to Luis Roniger.

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The arguments of this article were first presented at a research seminar of the Iberoamerican Institute of the University of Salamanca in May 2014 and in the International Conference on Oral History at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem in June 2014. I am most grateful to the discussions there; to two reviewers of an early version of this article for their important criticisms and suggestions; and to Emma Northcott for her editorial assistance. 

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Roniger, L. Displacement and Testimony: Recent History and the Study of Exile and Post-exile. Int J Polit Cult Soc 29, 111–133 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10767-015-9201-7

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