Abstract
In this article I examine Onora O’Neill’s philosophical critique of human rights in the context of her appointment to the Chair of the Equality and Human Rights Commission and the recent political turn against human rights in the UK.
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Notes
See the EHRC's formal announcement, 18th October 2012: http://www.equalityhumanrights.com/news/2012/october/commission-welcomes-appointment-of-new-chair/ (Accessed 27th April 2013)
For a discussion of different categories of rights, see Nickel (2012) for example.
O'Neill refers in particular to the liberty rights enshrined in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of Citizens of 1789—“freedom, property, security and resistance to oppression” (2005b, p. 428).
John Rawls similarly argues that human rights ought to be restricted to a “special class of urgent rights” (1999, p. 79). These include the right to life, liberty, property and equal treatment, all of which might be adhered to despite a plurality of beliefs—they “cannot be rejected as peculiarly liberal or special to the Western tradition. They are not politically parochial” (1999, p. 65). In contrast to Ignatieff however, Rawls includes “means of subsistence” under “the right to life” (ibid) which would include food in extreme circumstances. For a critique of this sort of “lowest common denominator approach” to human rights see for example Nussbaum 2000 and Deveaux 2009.
Here, James builds on the work of Geuss 2001.
“Rights to goods and services are easy to proclaim, but until there are effective institutions their proclamation may seem bitter mockery to those who most need them. Liberty rights are…different because far more is determined even when institutions are missing or weak: as soon as it is possible to state what ought to be provided—non interference—it will also be possible to state who ought to provide: everyone and all institutions ought to do so” (O'Neill 1996a, p. 64).
The UK Human Rights Act incorporates the rights enshrined in the European Convention on Human Rights. This means that individuals in the UK can bring claims in domestic courts (as opposed to seeking redress in the ECHR) for alleged breaches of their Convention rights (See Human Rights Act 1998).
Gearty also argues that political calls for exiting the ECHR have been bolstered by relentless attacks on the UK's adherence to human rights legislation by several members of the press, and in particular those working for the Daily Mail. This, he suggests, is fuelled by a dislike for Article 8 of the ECHR which provides for the right to have one's privacy respected (2011, p. 474) and is an obstacle to intrusive forms of journalism.
See the new Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act 2012
I am minded here of Andrew Gamble's (1988) book on the Thatcher era entitled The Free Economy and the Strong State in which he argued that a government which seeks to unfetter the free market does not adopt “laissez-faire” strategies. Quite the opposite, it strengthens its executive powers and weakens those of opposing groups and institutions.
The Government has also proposed to repeal the public sector Equality Duty (Section 149 of the Equality Act 2010) which requires public bodies to “have due regard to the need to eliminate discrimination, advance equality of opportunity, and foster good relations between different people when carrying out their activities”. The idea of such duties is to promote good decision making that takes into account the impact that a public institutions' strategies and functions have on a range of different people and groups. Similarly, the EHRC's Socioeconomic Duty is indentified as a feature to be scrapped—this is the requirement that all public sector institutions consider what impact their strategies and functions might have on socioeconomic disadvantage and to design them in such a way that reduces inequalities of outcome (Section 10 of the Equality Act 2010). Other examples of cuts to the EHRC are the transfer of its telephone advice line and conciliation services to a private company.
This is a view shared by several key equality and human rights organizations which joined together to express their fears to O'Neill in an open letter; “The UN, which awarded [the EHRC] ‘A’ status as a human rights institution, has warned that the new arrangements governing the relationship between ministers and the EHRC ‘significantly limits its freedom to determine priorities without undue influence from government’”. See: http://www.bihr.org.uk/sites/default/files/Open_letter_EHRC_Oct2012.pdf
See also Letter from the Chair of the Joint Committee on Human Rights (7th November 2012) to Onora O'Neill(as Chair of EHRC) on the Enterprise and Regulatory Reform Bill 2013a http://www.parliament.uk/documents/joint-committees/human-rights/Letter_to_Baroness_O'Neill_71112.pdf
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Sincerest thanks to Umar Salam and two anonymous expert reviewers for excellent comments.
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Browne, J. O'Neill and the Political Turn Against Human Rights. Int J Polit Cult Soc 26, 291–304 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10767-013-9149-4
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10767-013-9149-4