Abstract
To acknowledge concerns about the rising power of the private sector, key international anti-corruption organisations have supported initiatives that emphasise the role that businesses play in corruption. Yet the way these initiatives have impacted the practices and perceptions of anti-corruption organisations in developing countries has received scant attention. As businesses can be key perpetrators of corruption, understanding the way anti-corruption organisations respond to the private sector can highlight the efficacy of anti-corruption efforts. Drawing on interviews with anti-corruption policy makers in Papua New Guinea (PNG) conducted between 2008 and 2009, this article shows how two international anti-corruption organisations perceived and worked with the private sector. It finds that there have been some initiatives designed to address, and raise awareness about private sector corruption in the country, reflecting international trends. At the same time the private sector is viewed, often uncritically, as an anti-corruption champion; this has affected the way anti-corruption organisations engage with businesses operating in the country. This article argues that despite a change in international discourse about the private sector’s role in corruption, in developing countries like PNG, neoliberal logic about the nature of the state still guide anti-corruption activity. These findings have implications for the efficacy of international anti-corruption efforts.
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Notes
This article defines neoliberalism as a theory of political economic practices that posits that: ‘human well-being can best be advanced by liberating individual entrepreneurial freedoms and skills within an institutional framework characterised by strong private property rights, free markets and free trade…[where] state interventions in markets (once created) must be kept to a bare minimum’ [34: 2]. This theory is often achieved through deregulation and privatisation of state owned assets and the downsizing of the state.
The international anti-corruption industry comprises many different organizations, including non-governmental organisations, donors, international financial institutions, governments, activists, and think tanks. While acknowledging the variety of positions taken by actors within this industry, the industry’s discourse is mostly influenced by international donors, IFIs and nongovernmental organisations.
The Control of Corruption ranking is a part of the World Bank’s World Wide Governance Indicators, which are derived from a compilation of a number of enterprise, citizen and expert survey respondents in industrial and developing countries. It aims to capture ‘perceptions of the extent to which public power is exercised for private gain, including both petty and grand forms of corruption, as well as “capture” of the state by elites and private interests’ [82].
All currency conversions in this article were calculated on 9 March 2012 on http://www.xe.com/.
The OECD DAC defines technical assistance (cooperation) as: ‘both (a) grants to nationals of aid recipient countries receiving education or training at home or abroad, and (b) payments to consultants, advisers and similar personnel as well as teachers and administrators serving in recipient countries (including the cost of associated equipment)’ [25]
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Acknowledgments
I am grateful to Jon Barnett, Monica Minnegal and Leslie Holmes of the University of Melbourne for their suggestions on early versions of this article. Many thanks to Jennifer Lake and Anna Walton for editing advice. I also thank the people at AusAID and Transparency International Papua New Guinea for participating in my research. I remain responsible for the end result. The author has consulted for Transparency International Papua New Guinea in the past.
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Walton, G.W. The limitations of neoliberal logic in the anti-corruption industry: Lessons from Papua New Guinea. Crime Law Soc Change 60, 147–164 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-013-9450-1
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10611-013-9450-1