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Food miles, local eating, and community supported agriculture: putting local food in its place

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Abstract

The idea of “food miles,” the distance that food has to be shipped, has entered into debates in both popular and academic circles about local eating. An oft-cited figure claims that the “average item” of food travels 1,500 miles before it reaches your plate. The source of this figure is almost never given, however, and indeed, it is a figure with surprisingly little grounding in objective research. In this study, I track the evolution of this figure, and the ways that scholars and popular writers have rhetorically employed it. I then explore the ongoing debates over food miles and local food, debates that often oversimplify the idea of local eating to a caricature. I then examine a series of in-depth interviews with community-supported agriculture members and farmers in order to bring complexity back to discussions of local food consumers. I argue that the overwhelming focus on “food miles” among scholars threatens to eclipse the multitude of other values and meanings contained in the word “local” that underlie people’s decisions to “eat locally,” foremost among them, a desire to reintegrate food production and consumption within the context of place.

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Notes

  1. Say “Lou Kohl” out loud.

  2. Community-supported agriculture is a form of agriculture where members join a farm for a season, paying up front for the food and then receiving a share of the harvest each week (Schnell 2007).

  3. Several who have cited this study as a source have miscited it as a Department of Energy study, a department that did not even exist in 1969, indicating that many have taken the oft-quoted number at face value without reading the original study.

  4. Incidentally, the report’s authors also concluded that a large-scale nuclear exchange would result in a significantly localized food economy (with the travel distance of the average calorie lowered to 723.6 miles) (Brown and Pilz 1969).

  5. Pirog et al. (2001) and Weber and Matthews (2008) focused on food weight, while Brown and Pilz (1969) used a calorie-based average.

  6. Tellingly, this is a part of their conclusions that food mile critics have often ignored, which casts doubt on their professed concern over greenhouse gas emissions. Nor have food mile critics rushed to embrace Nabhan’s (2001, 2006) ideas about people consuming not only foods produced locally, but also crops that are native, or naturalized to, each region, a practice that would greatly reduce the need for water and fossil-fuel driven inputs. Nabhan even divides the country into a series of “food nations” with distinctive native cuisines that have fallen into disuse, arguing that “every bite you take will make you more a part of your home” (2006, p. 59).

  7. Note that I am not arguing here about whether or not they are; such a focus is beyond the scope of this paper. I am simply pointing out that there has been a remarkable amount of assertion without evidence in the critical literature on alternative agro-food systems.

  8. Some have even argued that informing consumers about the distance food has travelled violates WTO rules (Waye 2008, although she ultimately concludes that voluntary labeling by major retailers is unlikely to break WTO agreements, though government-mandated labeling would). Once again, it becomes clear that the “freedom” promised by free trade has very little to do with freedom to make choices based on a broad range of values, but rather an illusory freedom that thrives by stifling certain kinds of information.

  9. Austin, Madison, Seattle, or Cambridge will serve the stereotype just as well.

  10. The meaning of “community” in community supported agriculture has been the subject of some debate, and given the growing diversity of membership and of CSA organization, it is clear that no single definition will suffice. Both farmers and members hold a variety of ideas about the nature and meaning of “community.” In its earliest incarnations, CSA often took on an explicitly communal form (with shared governance and planning) (Henderson and van En 1999; DeLind 2002a; Feagan and Henderson 2009), though for many early CSAs, this emphasis has declined over time (see, e.g., Lang 2010). Some CSAs today clearly meet this definition of community, while others do not (see, e.g., DeLind 1999, 2002a). However, as different farms and farmers have come to terms with the reality of balancing ideals with practical necessity and financial viability (DeLind 1999; Hinrichs and Kremer 2002; Stanford 2006; Lang 2010; Charles 2011), CSAs have adopted substantially different approaches to, and definitions of, community-building,

  11. Such growing sense of environmental understanding, kinship, and responsibility has been seen by other scholars in studies of CSA (DeLind 2006; Cox et al. 2008; Hayden and Buck 2012).

  12. This connection between food, authenticity, and place can readily be discerned in tourism marketing as well (Schnell 2011).

  13. Witness, for example, the large number of farmers who choose not to become certified organic, even though they follow organic standards, because they feel that their customers know what they do and they do not need a third party to verify it.

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Acknowledgments

I would like to thank Lisa Schnell, Harvey James, and the anonymous reviewers for constructive critiques of earlier versions of this manuscript that greatly improved it, as well as the numerous CSA participants and farmers who gave freely of their time to talk to me about their experiences and thoughts. I would also like to thank Kutztown University for the sabbatical leave that made this project possible.

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    Steven M. Schnell

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Schnell, S.M. Food miles, local eating, and community supported agriculture: putting local food in its place. Agric Hum Values 30, 615–628 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10460-013-9436-8

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