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Sociology’s Suicide: A Forensic Autopsy?

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Abstract

For decades Durkheim’s theory of suicide has been tested and found wanting. Yet, rather than being consigned to the dust-bin of history, it lives on and is pointed to as an exemplar of the powers of sociological theory and research. If this rationalizing and/or dismissal of so many falsifications of the theory were an isolated phenomenon, it might be evidence of some lemming-like propensity for suicide or a disciplinary death-wish, among a few sociologists. But it appears to be a much more widespread and common occurrence. In this paper we explore some possible explanations of this ‘falsification denial’—‘The Social Misconstruction of Reality’ (Hamilton 1996), ‘When Prophecy Fails’ (Festinger et al. 1956), ‘Underdetermination’ (Duhem 1954; Quine Journal of Philosophy 67:178–183, 1970, Erkenntnis 9:313–328, 1975; Lakatos 1970), and ‘Boundary Maintenance’ (Erikson 1966), and we outline some of the more important and pernicious consequences of this falsification denial for the discipline and future of sociology.

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Notes

  1. Searches on JSTOR and Google were done on February 5th and 6th of 2010.

  2. For related cases where prominent theoretical arguments appear to be immune to falsifying evidence see: Delacroix and Nielsen (2001), Wesson (1976), Hamilton (1996). Although more sociological examples could be cited, the problem is by no means restricted to sociology (e.g., see Nolan 2003).

  3. And, this problem is by no means restricted to Durkheim. Noteworthy examples with regard to other ‘founding fathers’ would have to include Weber’s Protestant Ethic (Delacroix and Nielsen 2001), and Marx’s Labor Theory of Value, and Model of Historical Change (Parkes 1939; Schwartzschild 1947; Wesson 1976).

  4. For epistemological problems regarding things that are ‘obviously’ true in sociology see Mayhew (1980, 1981).

  5. This calls to mind van den Berg’s (1988) critique of “Marxist theories of the state.” In it, he notes that although they gradually developed into decidedly Weberian theories they still somehow continued to be called “Marxist.”

  6. Lakatos cites Duhem (1906: Chapter VI, section 10) for this paraphrase.

  7. Ironically, some of these same factors that Durkheim fought so hard to discount (e.g., sex, age, race) in order to make room for his sociological explanation, are now pointed to as support for Durkheim’s argument (e.g., see Nolan 2003).

  8. In this regard, I note, in passing, that an early reviewer of Nolan (2003) argued that, by questioning the theory’s validity on the basis of disconfirming evidence, I was missing ‘the larger more important lesson’ that was conveyed to students by teaching what apparently are viewed as ‘benign lies.’ The case in contention being the teaching as fact aspects of Durkheim’s theory that were questionable or demonstrably false.

  9. It is worth emphasizing that this does not appear to be a problem peculiar to sociology. For example, as “environmentalism” has increasingly taken on features of religion (e.g., see Michael Crichton 2003; or Nolan and Lenski 2009: 243). Anthropogenic “global warming” or anthropogenic “climate change” appears to have been transmuted from a theory to an unchallengeable orthodoxy.

  10. An alternative explanation for the dismal performance of the theory is bad data. After a relatively lengthy discussion of problems in defining and measuring suicide, Durkheim essentially ignores the problem and accepts government tabulations. Nonetheless, its measurement continues to be problematic even in the most statistically sophisticated societies (e.g., see Timmermans 2005).

  11. We may be overly cynical with regard to this matter, but we find it very hard to believe that a number of these hypothesized shifts in the direction of the relationship over time, and the fact that it applies to one group or sex at one time and to another group or sex at another time were actually predicted before the data were examined.

  12. As I write this, the virtually daily reports of errors, flaws, exaggerations, and misstatements of climate researchers offer strong testimony of the power of ideological commitment and “confirmation bias” to cloud the judgment of apparently even the most gifted scientists.

  13. We must admit, though, that his use of suicide, together with marriage and birth, to demonstrate that rates of behavior were ‘social facts’ (Durkheim 1966: 8) clouds this judgment somewhat.

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Correspondence to Patrick D. Nolan.

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Apologies to Henry Bamford Parkes

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Nolan, P.D., Triplett, J. & McDonough, S. Sociology’s Suicide: A Forensic Autopsy?. Am Soc 41, 292–305 (2010). https://doi.org/10.1007/s12108-010-9099-5

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