Abstract
Numerous empirical studies have investigated the direction of causality between democracy and economic growth (as well as the level of income per capita), but this empirical work has been paralleled by relatively few theoretical models that endogenize the institutional structure of the regime. Moreover, the different types of autocratic regimes have received relatively little attention. This paper develops a game-theoretic model of endogenous economic policy in autocratic regimes facing a revolt or an insurgency. In this model, there are three players: the regime, the rebels, and the masses. There are three stages in the game. In the first stage, the regime determines the level of infrastructure and the tax rate. In the second stage, the masses allocate their time between production and helping the rebels. In the third stage, the regime and the rebels simultaneously choose their fighting effort levels in a contest, in which the probability of survival of the regime is determined. It is found that autocratic regimes facing a revolt endogenously sort themselves into “tinpot” regimes that maximize their consumption at the cost of their survival, and (weak and strong) “totalitarian” regimes that maximize their probability of survival at the expense of their consumption. Empirical implications of the model are derived, and the relevance of the model to public policy is discussed.
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Notes
In 2005, Freedom House changed its classification of Russia from “partly free” to “not free”. The 2010 Freedom House report on Russia begins with the following summary: “The executive branch maintained its tight controls on the media, civil society, and the other branches of government in 2009, and took additional steps to rein in religious and academic freedom. The large-scale disqualification of opposition candidates helped secure a sweeping victory for the ruling United Russia party in local and regional elections in October”. (See http://www.freedomhouse.org/template.cfm?page=22&year=2010&country=7904.)
Unlike the totalitarian regime of Arendt (1951) and others, however, the regime in our model does not actually mobilize mass support. The masses in our model either support the rebels or work; they do not actively support the regime.
See Shughart (2006) for an analytical history of terrorism.
For a similar approach to formulating the regime’s discounted utility, see Grossman and Noh (1994).
We use the subscript ‘o’ to denote rebels’ variables (for opposition), as the subscript ‘r’ is used for the regime’s variables.
By assuming that the masses receive utility from helping the rebels, we model this help as a “consumption” good, not as an investment in the success of the revolt. This approach allows us to avoid the free-rider problem inherent in the alternative assumption, that helping the rebels is an investment good. See Guttman et al. (1994) for evidence that political participation is a consumption good. In addition to simplifying a complex analytical problem, this assumption contrasts with the usual practice of treating the masses as a unitary actor to avoid the free-rider problem.
If θ>1/β, the masses would have no incentive to help the rebels, and so there would be no fighting between the regime and the rebels in our model.
Maximizing lnU r yields the same results as maximizing U r since lnU r is monotonically increasing in U r .
This may occur, for example, if the opposition’s resource base, Y, is very large relative to the regime’s resources, z, a point to which we will return shortly.
The case ∂x/∂g>0 and \(\hat{x}<0\) does not exist as an interior solution in the third stage because, as demonstrated in the next subsection, if ∂x/∂g>0, the regime will optimally will increase G until it achieves h ∗=0, implying x>0 for any positive z (since x≡βz−hY).
Since τ and G 0+g must be related to each other so as to satisfy ℓ ∗=1, the regime actually has only one choice variable in the first stage, once it has moved into the region under study. Therefore τ is equated to \(\hat{\tau}\) before differentiating (26) w.r.t. g.
This expression assumes that G ∗>G 0, so that g ∗>0. If the expression is negative, then g ∗=0.
Lambert’s W function satisfies the condition W(v)e W(v)=v. For a discussion of this function, its properties and scientific applications, see, for example, Cordless et al. (1996).
These parameter values were chosen on the basis of their empirical plausibility and because they permit interesting effects of the relevant parameter changes to be observed.
For a sophisticated formal model of coups and regime survival, see Gallego and Pitchik (2004).
As we pointed out in the introduction, according to Arendt (1951) and many other political scientists, in a true totalitarian regime the masses are mobilized to support the regime. The less salient is that case, the more the regime tends to descend into tyranny, as appears to be happening, for example, in Iran today.
We are holding the tax rate τ constant here, since we are interested in the sign of the partial derivative of x w.r.t. g.
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Acknowledgements
We thank valuable comments from seminar participants at Bar-Ilan University and Vassar College, and the useful comments of two anonymous referees. The usual disclaimer applies.
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Appendix
Appendix
Proof of Proposition 1
First, note that the second order condition is always satisfied for the opposition at the point where the first order conditions (10) and (12) hold. This can be seen by differentiating the left hand side of (12) w.r.t. e o , noting that \(\beta e_{r}^{\ast }- he_{o}^{\ast }=x\), to obtain:
The second order condition for the regime, in contrast, holds only when x>0. To see this, differentiate the left hand side of (10) w.r.t. e r to obtain
While the denominator of this expression clearly is positive, the numerator is positive (and thus the entire expression will be negative) at the point where the first-order condition (10) holds, if and only if
since (11) implies that
Consequently, the second order condition for the regime holds if and only if x>0. □
Proof of Proposition 2
If ∂x/∂g<0, the regime can either be a tinpot or a weak totalitarian. The regime will be a weak totalitarian if \(\hat{x}>0\). Using the definition of x, together with (37) and (38), we get
By inspection of this equation, we find that
and (provided that \(\overline{\tau }>0\), as assumed in the text)
as claimed. □
Proof of Proposition 3
If ∂x/∂g>0, the regime will be a totalitarian. We wish to show that, before the regime has invested in infrastructure, i.e., when g=0, ∂x/∂g is more likely to be positive, ceteris paribus, when α is relatively large and r is relatively small. The regime will not invest in infrastructure unless ∂x/∂g>0. If this condition holds, it will invest in infrastructure up to the point at which h ∗=0, so that we need only check the effects of α and r on ∂z/∂g. From (27), it is clear that
and
However, we want to show that these effects hold before the regime has invested to the point at which h ∗=0.
Recall that x≡βz−hY. Moreover, from (20), we haveFootnote 20
while
Combining (A.1), (A.2), (A.3), (A.4) with the definition of x, we find that
and
so that it is more likely that ∂x/∂g>0 when α is relatively large and r is relatively small, as claimed. □
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Guttman, J.M., Reuveny, R. On revolt and endogenous economic policy in autocratic regimes. Public Choice 159, 27–52 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-012-0012-3
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s11127-012-0012-3