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Gender and transition in Southeast Asia: conceptual travel?

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Abstract

Theories and concepts of political transition have been influenced to a great deal by Western theoretical and conceptual reflection. The parameters of transition are usually based on two assumptions or expectations: The goal of transition is democracy or a democratic system, and both actors and affected persons are perceived as gender-neutral beings, i.e., there is no distinction made between male or female actors and persons concerned. This article problematizes the conventional concept of transition and attempts a gendered conceptualization. Empirically, it draws from studies and fieldwork during the periods of political transition in Indonesia (mostly accomplished) and Malaysia (ongoing). It addresses the impacts of transition on women in particular. The core argument is that conceptual reflections of transition need to integrate a gender-sensitive perspective, but at the same time attend to the fact that “women” is not an exhausting analytical category. As illustrated by the examples of Indonesia and Malaysia, a gender-sensitive approach thus requires to also take the pluralism and heterogeneity of “women” (as well as “men”) into account.

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Notes

  1. Indonesia is ranked as a lower middle-income country by the World Bank; Malaysia ranks as an upper middle-income country; see http://data.worldbank.org/country/indonesia (Accessed 8 September 2012).

  2. Malaysia is composed of over 60 % ethnic Malays, over 30 % ethnic Chinese, a considerable community of ethnic Indians (7 %), and various indigenous groups in East Malaysia. Indonesia's ethnic composition is highly heterogeneous, too, but far less delicate than the “three races” constellation in Malaysia, since the majority of people in Indonesia adheres to the religion of Islam regardless of ethnicity. The population of Indonesia is 242.3 million and that of Malaysia, 28.8 million; see http://data.worldbank.org/country/indonesia (Accessed 8 September 2012).

  3. For the full list of ranking of 2012 see http://www.freedomhouse.org/sites/default/files/inline_images/Table%20of%20Independent%20Countries%2C%20FIW%202012%20draft.pdf (Accessed 4 August 2012).

  4. The term shari’a is spelled differently according to the authors who use it. In direct citations, I follow the spelling and/or italics version in the original text. My own preferred spelling is shari’a.

  5. New Order or orde baru refers to the Suharto years, 1965–1998.

  6. The spectrum of organizations included Koalisi Perempuan (Women's Coalition), Yayasan Sekar (Sekar Foundation), Komnas Perempuan (National Commission on Violence against Women), Jurnal Perempuan (Women's Journal), Kalyanamitra (Women's Communication and Information Center), CETRO (Center for Electoral Reform), Women and Gender Studies Center (University of Indonesia), TPGT (Tata Pemerintahan Tanggap Gender or Gender Responsive Public Policy and Administration), Indonesian Center for Women in Politics (ICWIP), Kapal Perempuan (Women's Boat), and LBH-APIK (Legal Aid Society—Indonesian Women's Association for Justice). In addition, individual women in their capacity as members of parliament or the bureaucracy belonged to the sample of interview partners.

  7. A number given by Komnas Perempuan is 305 units in the 33 provinces by 2009; see http://www.komnasperempuan.or.id/wp-content/uploads/2009/08/peluang-dan-tntangan-polri-dlm-tangani-korban-kkrsn-pr.ppt (Oct. 11, 2010).

  8. CEDAW is the acronym for the United Nations‘Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (enacted in 1981). The website “CEDAW in action” introduces activists in various countries who have engaged intensively in order to implement, promote and monitor CEDAW-conforming policies. Ibu Titi is one of them in Indonesia. She is portrayed and quoted under http://cedaw-seasia.org/indonesia_stories_ibutiti.html (Accessed January 23, 2013).

  9. See http://www.freedomhouse.org/sites/default/files/inline_images/Table%20of%20Independent%20Countries%2C%20FIW%202012%20draft.pdf (Accessed 12 August 2012).

  10. “A Step forward in Equal Rights,” report for Qantara.de (2010), http://www.qantara.de/webcom/show_article.php/_c-478/_nr-1111/i.html (Oct. 12, 2010)

  11. Although Islamic jurisdiction is a state affair, all Islamic courts in Malaysia follow the Shafi’i School of Islamic law (which is common throughout Southeast Asia).

  12. “Pas finds hudud a tough sell with allies,” in New Straits Times, Sep. 9, 2010, (http://www.nst.com.my/nst/articles/20beh/Article/) (Oct. 12, 2010)

  13. Besides 13 states, Malaysia has two federal territories.

  14. The national profile for Malaysia on the website of the transnational advocacy network Musawah, http://www.musawah.org/np_malaysia.asp (Oct. 12, 2010)

  15. http://www.musawah.org/np_malaysia.asp (Oct. 12, 2010)

  16. http://www.musawah.org/np_malaysia.asp (Oct. 12, 2010)

  17. See http://www.wluml.org/node/5443 (Oct. 12, 2010).

  18. Malaysia plans women travel curbs, in BBC News, May 04, 2008, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/7382859.stm (June 15, 2008).

  19. For women's parliamentary representation around the world, see www.ipu.org.

  20. The more recent events in the context of the Arab Spring are still too fresh for a solid theoretical reflection; that is why they are not taken into deeper consideration here.

  21. For details, see http://www.bertelsmann-transformation-index.de/en/ (accessed 16 March 2011).

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  1. Institute of Political Science, Philipps University Marburg, Marburg, Germany

    Claudia Derichs

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Derichs, C. Gender and transition in Southeast Asia: conceptual travel?. Asia Eur J 11, 113–127 (2013). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10308-013-0342-x

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