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On the role of Islamic banks in the monetary policy transmission in Saudi Arabia

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Abstract

Even though a significant strand of the literature has examined the transmission mechanisms of monetary policy in a conventional framework, very little research has directly addressed the role of Islamic banks in this transmission. Using a TVP-VAR model with stochastic volatilities, this paper attempts to fill this gap in the literature by examining the monetary policy transmission in Saudi Arabia, as well as the role of Islamic banks in this transmission over a period of approximately 25 years. Although Islamic banking is, in theory, different from conventional banking, our results provide robust evidence of the dependence of Islamic banking activity on oil revenues, and suggest that, in practice, there are few differences between the Islamic banks’ modus operandi and the methods used by conventional banks. However, the results do not provide clear evidence that Islamic banks are more stabilizing than conventional banks, even though the sensitivity of the non-oil economic activity to Islamic bank financing seems to be relatively less volatile than its sensitivity to conventional bank credits.

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Fig. 1

Source: Annual Statistics of SAMA/Author's calculations (color figure online)

Fig. 2

Source: Annual Statistics of SAMA/Author's calculations

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Notes

  1. The choice of central banks to focus on long-term price stabilization stems from the hypothesis of the long-term neutrality of money introduced by David Hume in 1752: in the long run, money only affects nominal variables and has no permanent effects on real variables. Several empirical studies validate the presence of a strong correlation between monetary aggregates and inflation (among others: Barro, 1990; De Grauwe and Polan, 2005; Dwyer and Hafer 1988; Lucas, 1980; McCandless and Weber, 1995; Mishkin, 1996; Pakko, 1994; Poole 1994; Vogel, 1974).

  2. Note that wealth effects depend on the types of wealth (Mishkin, 2007). Some studies find that housing wealth has more significant effects on consumption than non-housing wealth (Bayoumi and Edison, 2003; Belsky and Prakken, 2004; Bostic et al., 2009; Case et al., 2005; Ludwig and Slok, 2002), while others find the opposite (Girouard and Blondal, 2001; Dvornak and Kohler, 2003).

  3. By focusing on the link between bank liabilities and assets, and in particular the relationship between the monetary base and the money supply, Blinder and Stiglitz (1983) highlight the role of bank lending in the transmission of monetary policy. Using a simplified balance sheet of a typical commercial bank, they show that a monetary contraction that reduces the reserve holdings of the banking system by an amount equal to the increase in its holdings of Treasury bills, leads to a decline in credit and, consequently, in deposits.

  4. Most of the literature on the transmission of monetary policy in Saudi Arabia and other oil-producing countries (e.g., Cevik and Teksoz, 2012; Prasad and Khamis, 2011; Westelius, 2013; Ziaei, 2012) think that monetary policy shocks are transmitted to the whole non-oil part of economic activity. We will see in Sect. 2 that this conception is relatively imprecise, and that this imprecision may call into question the relevance of the analysis and interpretation of monetary policy transmission.

  5. The upward trend over the past two decades in the share of bank credit to the private sector (relative to total bank credit) suggests that, a priori, the credit channel is likely to play an important role in the transmission of monetary policy insofar as the effectiveness of this channel presupposes that the banking system play a significant role in financing the private sector.

  6. The Saudi monetary policy is implemented by the Saudi Arabian Monetary Authority (SAMA) and is based mainly on a fixed exchange rate policy against the US dollar as an intermediate objective.

  7. The Saudi riyal was issued in June 1961, nine years after the establishment of SAMA.

  8. Following this event, and in order to make banks more responsible and avoid the risk of moral hazard, the authorities introduced the Banking Control Law in 1966, which clarifies the role of SAMA in the regulation of the banking system.

  9. Under this decision, the Algemene Bank became Alawwal Bank, the British Bank of the Middle East became the Saudi British Bank, the Banque d'Indochine et de Suez became Banque Saudi Fransi, the Bank of Cairo became the Saudi Cairo Bank, the National Bank of Pakistan became, after a total nationalization, Bank Al Jazira, the First National Citibank became the Saudi American Bank. It should be noted that the National Commercial Bank and Riyadh Bank were fully nationalized.

  10. Indeed, the low liquidity of the secondary market, which is explained by the narrow investor base, the tendency of (institutional) investors to hold securities until maturity, and the absence of an investment bank, reduces the attractiveness of the primary market (Al-Jasser and Banafe, 2002), which reinforces the role of banks in financing the economy.

  11. According to the IFSB (2016), the Islamic financial sector is systematically important when a country's Islamic banking assets represent more than 15% of its total banking assets.

  12. For a broader review of the literature see Leeper et al. (1996) and Christiano et al., (1999, 2005).

  13. Cogley and Sargent (2001) estimate a three-variable VAR model of inflation, unemployment, and the nominal short-term interest rate.

  14. The introduction of stochastic volatility in time-varying coefficient models improves estimation performance by capturing potential changes in the structure of the economy in a flexible and robust manner (Nakajima, 2011).

  15. Using the same variables as Cogley and Sargent (2001), Primeceri (2005) estimated his model based on US data over the 1953Q1–2001Q3 period to investigate the potential causes of poor economic performance during the 1970s and early 1980s, and to what extent monetary policy played an important role in these episodes of high unemployment and inflation. He finds that the volatility of monetary shocks was significantly higher in the period 1979–1983 and that the interest rate policy response to inflation and unemployment tends to be more aggressive in the period 1986–2001. This suggests that, over the last 15 years of Primiceri's sample, Taylor's rules have become good approximations of U.S. monetary policy.

  16. Due to data limitations, Avouyi-Dovi et al. (2017) privilege Cogley and Sargent’s (2001) approach in their applications.

  17. For more details on the methods used to estimate the parameters and the smoother simulation algorithms used to accelerate the convergence of Markov chains, see De Jong and Shephard (1995), Shephard and Pitt (1997), Durbin and Koopman (2002), Watanabe and Omori (2004) and Nakajima (2011).

  18. All other things being equal, the rise (respectively fall) in oil prices improves (worsens) the fiscal balance and, thereby, reduces (increases) the share of total GDP that is sensitive to monetary policy.

  19. Such shocks may occur, for example, from de-correlation between the Saudi and American cycles, or they may reflect discretionary monetary policy responses to idiosyncratic events that are not captured by standard reaction rules.

  20. Given the recursive structure of A, the simultaneous relations between the target variables are not modeled.

  21. All the standardized variables are stationary. Unit root (ADF and PP) and stationarity (KPSS) tests results are available on request.

  22. To choose the lag order for each of the selected VAR models, we have used the Bayesian information criterion.

  23. This result is quite natural given that, over the period examined, conventional bank deposits account, on average, for 72% of the broad money.

  24. By persistent, we mean the fact that stochastic volatility remained at a relatively high level until the mid-2010s.

  25. In dual financial systems, displaced commercial risk, which is specific for Islamic banks, may be defined as the risk of incurring losses resulting from both the volatility of investment accounts returns and the willingness of Islamic banks to ensure a competitive return to the holders of those accounts” (Ben Amar, 2018, p. 562).

  26. These results are very similar to those of Azad et al. (2018), Ben Amar (2018, 2019) and Rashid et al. (2020).

  27. The author would like to thank an anonymous referee for suggesting the use of inter-Islamic-banks market instead of interbank market. Indeed, the right strategy is probably to separate inter-conventional-banks and the inter-Islamic-banks markets, as many contradictions to Shari’a can emerge by mixing them.

  28. The LMC was established on 29 July 2002 with the aim of facilitating the investment, in the short and medium term, of the surplus liquidities of Islamic banks and financial institutions in a Shari'a compliant manner. Its capital is held by Bahrain Islamic Bank (25%), Dubai Islamic Bank (25%), Islamic Development Bank (25%), and Liquidity Management House (25%).

  29. IFSB's mandate is to ensure the stability and solvency of the Islamic financial industry through the development and development of new accounting standards and the harmonization of practices in the sector.

  30. Most of the instruments used by conventional banks in the money market are based on interest rates, and it is for this reason, mainly, that they are not accessible to Islamic banks, and that in some countries, Islamic banks do not participate in the interbank market, creating a segmentation within the money market (El Hamiani Khatatat, 2016).

  31. See Ben Amar (2018) and Azad et al. (2018) for more details about the IIBR.

  32. Sukuks present a high market risk due to the virtual absence of a liquid secondary market. Also, the ban on secondary market trading of certain types of sukuks reduces their effectiveness in managing bank liquidity. In addition, most countries do not have a regular sukuks issuance schedule.

  33. In a banking system concentrated in a small number of institutions, the failure of one bank can have disastrous consequences for the banking system and the economy (systemic risk). For this reason, the SAMA has repeatedly supported the banking system, although its charter prohibits it from acting as a “lender of last resort”. For example, during the 1980s, SAMA acted as a “lender of last resort” for some banks facing serious liquidity problems (Al-Jasser and Banafe, 2005). Also, in 2008, following the global financial crisis, SAMA injected $2.5 billion into the banking system and guaranteed all deposits in Saudi banks.

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Appendices

Appendix 1: NCB: the first Saudi commercial bank

Despite the fact that the NCB started operating in 1953, its foundations date back to 1937. Indeed, in 1937 the Mahfouz and Musa Kaki families, who were the largest money changers, asked King Abdelaziz Ibn Saud for permission to establish the first Saudi commercial bank. A year later (1938) the Kaki Salah Company was established in Jeddah and was owned by the Mahfouz (51.5%) and Musa Kaki (48.5%) families. Over time, the share of the Mahfouz family in the capital of NCB increased at the expense of the share of the Musa Kaki family which became even more minor. In 1988, Salim Ben Mahfouz passed the control of the bank to his son Khaled. But this transfer of control was disastrous for the bank. Indeed, the NCB failed to produce financial statements for the years 1990 and 1991 (Ramady, 2009). In 1997, Saudi police and intelligence agencies obtained evidence of Khaled's involvement in suspicious fund transfers (in the form of religious charities). In the same year (1997), Khaled was stripped of his Saudi nationality while abroad and SAMA intervened to introduce major changes in the organization and management of the NCBFootnote 33: it became a joint stock company and a new board of directors was appointed, from which the Ben Mahfouz family was excluded. In 1999, the Public Investment Fund, a fund belonging to the Ministry of Finance, acquired 50% of the bank's shares, making it a semi-public entity. In 2006, the Fund's share in NCB's capital increased to 80%.

Appendix 2: Posterior estimates for (1) stochastic volatility of the structural shock \({\upsigma }_{{{\text{it}}}}\) and (2) simultaneous relation \({\tilde{\text{a}}}_{{{\text{it}}}}\) [Model 1]

Fig. 8
figure 8

Posterior estimates for (1) stochastic volatility of the structural shock \({{\varvec{\upsigma}}}_{{{\mathbf{it}}}}\) and (2) simultaneous relation \({\tilde{\mathbf{a}}}_{{{\mathbf{it}}}}\) [Model 1] (color figure online)

Appendix 3: Impulse responses of TVP-VAR model for the variable set of Model 1

Fig. 9
figure 9

Impulse responses of TVP-VAR model for the variable set of (P, GDP, M, T3MAS, OP) (color figure online)

Appendix 4: Posterior estimates for stochastic volatility of the structural shock \({\upsigma }_{{{\text{it}}}}\) [Models 2 and 3]

Fig. 10
figure 10

Posterior estimates for stochastic volatility of the structural shock \({{\varvec{\upsigma}}}_{{{\mathbf{it}}}}\) [Models 2 and 3] (color figure online)

Appendix 5: Posterior estimates for simultaneous relation \({\tilde{\text{a}}}_{{{\text{it}}}}\) [Models 2 and 3]

Fig. 11
figure 11

Posterior estimates for simultaneous relation \({\tilde{\mathbf{a}}}_{{{\mathbf{it}}}}\) [Models 2 and 3] (color figure online)

Appendix 6: Impulse responses of TVP-VAR models 2 and 3

Fig. 12
figure 12

Impulse responses of TVP-VAR models 2 and 3 (color figure online)

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Ben Amar, A. On the role of Islamic banks in the monetary policy transmission in Saudi Arabia. Eurasian Econ Rev 12, 55–94 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40822-022-00200-0

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