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Does “Susto” Really Exist? Indigenous Knowledge and Fright Disorders Among Q’eqchi’ Maya in Belize

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Abstract

Susto is one of the most common disorders referenced in the medical anthropological and cultural psychiatric literature. This article questions if “susto” as understood in cultural psychiatric terms, especially in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of the American Psychiatric Association (DSM), is in fact a single “cultural concept of distress.” There is extensive cross-cultural and intracultural variability regarding fright-related disorders in the ethnographic literature. What is often labeled “susto” may be in reality a variety of distinct disorders, or lacking in the two signature components found in the cultural psychiatric literature: the existence of a “fright,” and subsequent soul loss. There has been significant polysemic and geographical drift in the idiom label, the result of colonialism in Mesoamerica, which has overlayed but not necessarily supplanted local knowledge. Using data from fifteen years of research with Q’eqchi’ (Maya) healers and their patients, we demonstrate how important variability in signs, symptoms, diagnosis, treatment, and prognosis of fright-related disorders renders any simple declaration that this is a singular “susto” problematic. We argue for a careful consideration of the knowledge of Indigenous medical specialists charged with treating fright-related disorders and against the inclination to view variability as insignificant. Such consideration suggests that Indigenous forms of fright-related disorder are not susto as presented commonly in the DSM and cultural psychiatric literature.

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Notes

  1. Low (1985) indicates that nerves or “nervios” is used among urban Ladino populations as a synonym for susto. Nervios is listed as a distinct “cultural concept of distress” in DSM-5 (APA 2013:835). This is further evidence of category drift.

  2. Diverse terminology, linguistic shortcuts, and seemingly (to the researcher) ambiguous or ill-defined concepts are a hallmark of many Indigenous medical systems, including that of Maya peoples (e.g., Redfield and Redfield 1940).

  3. The iloneleb’ in this study are identified in accordance with their wishes and Q’eqchi’ ethical principles. The honorific “Don,” borrowed from Spanish, represents a sign of respect and is typically used in conjunction with a first name.

  4. Utilizing an abductive narrative approach, xiw xiw and “thinking too much” have also been understood as representing distinct narrative genres (Hatala, Waldram, and Caal 2015). This demonstrates the potential confounding aspects of using both clinical presentation and patient experience to classify disorders in Indigenous medical systems.

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Acknowledgments

We wish to acknowledge the assistance of Victor Cal, coordinator of the Maya Healer’s Association, all members of the Healers' Association cited in this article, and interpreters involved over the years: Pedro Makin, Fercia Makin, Rosy Makin, Lydia Makin, Rey Makin, and Federico Caal. We would also like to offer special acknowledgment to Tomas Caal who served as the main translator, language expert, and cultural guide for the duration of this research and accompanied the authors during many interviews. Importantly, Tomas Caal also served as a cultural broker and ethical advisor by ensuring respect for the traditions and patients’ privacy and adherence to local ethical protocols. The research has been funded by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, with supplemental funding and other supports from the University of Saskatchewan. The research received ethical approval from both the University of Saskatchewan Behavioral Research Ethics Board and the National Institute of Culture and History (NICH) of the Government of Belize. Thanks to Nigel Encalada and Rolando Cocom of NICH for their on-going support. We also wish to thank the reviewers who provided useful insight, feedback, and comments on earlier drafts of the manuscript.

Funding

Funding for this research has been provided by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, and the University of Saskatchewan.

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Both authors contributed to the study conception and design, including data collection and analysis. The first draft of the manuscript was written by James B. Waldram and both authors commented on and revised versions of the manuscript before submission. Both authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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Correspondence to James B. Waldram.

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The authors have no relevant financial or non-financial interests to disclose. The authors have no conflict of interest to declare that are relevant to the content of this article. All authors certify that they have no affiliations with or involvement in any organization or entity with any financial interest or non-financial interest in the subject matter or materials discussed in this manuscript. The authors have no financial or proprietary interests in any material discussed in this article.

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The research was approved by the University of Saskatchewan Research Ethics Board- Behavioural, the National Institute of Culture and History (Belize), and the members of the Maya Healer’s Association of Belize.

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All participants fully and voluntarily consented to this research and its publication and dissemination. Verbal informed consent was obtained prior to the interview. Additional informed consent was obtained from all individual participants for whom identifying information is included in this article.

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Waldram, J.B., Hatala, A.R. Does “Susto” Really Exist? Indigenous Knowledge and Fright Disorders Among Q’eqchi’ Maya in Belize. Cult Med Psychiatry 47, 372–401 (2023). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11013-022-09777-2

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