Abstract
Discussions about “disruptive” food controversies abound in popular and academic literatures, particularly with respect to meat production and consumption, yet there is little scholarship examining what makes an event disruptive in the first instance. Filling this gap will improve our understanding of how food controversies unfold and why certain issues may be more likely to linger in the public consciousness as opposed to others. I address these questions by using focus groups and in-depth interviews to analyze five potentially upsetting topics: dietary warnings about meat consumption, meat safety recalls, eating meat directly from the skull of the animal, the morality of killing animals for food, and the “pink slime” debate. Findings suggest that disruptive events involve negative affective reactions to safety hazards, disgust-provoking sensory cues, and/or ethical dilemmas. When these cues exist in isolation from one another, consumers’ reactions are quite often short-lived, while the simultaneous presence of multiple disruptive elements in the context of a single issue or event can trigger a far stronger reaction.
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Notes
See Maynard’s (2003: 11) discussion of “the noetic crisis” for more detail on how disruptive moments unfold in real-time social interaction.
In highlighting the limits of producers’ ability to shape the narrative about meat, Kinnucan et al. (1997) found that the effects of generic advertising on consumer demand were “modest and fragile” as compared to the effects of health information.
In 2011, the World Cancer Research Fund/American Institute for Cancer Research released a report stating that red and processed meat consumption increased the risk of colorectal cancer. In a press release, the American Institute for Cancer Research recommended “that people limit consumption to 18 oz (cooked weight) of red meat a week—roughly the equivalent of five or six small portions of beef, lamb or pork—and avoid processed meat.” 18 oz is equivalent to approximately 510 grams. (http://preventcancer.aicr.org/site/News2/305144441?abbr=pr_&page=NewsArticle&id=20691&news_iv_ctrl=1102).
The Atkins diet recommends that consumers increase their consumption of animal fat while reducing their consumption of carbohydrates.
This demand subsequently declined by approximately 0.8 % as Atkins received less favorable coverage in later years (Tonsor et al. 2010: 13).
This is a nickname for Buffalo Wild Wings, a quick-service restaurant chain.
According to Dahlgran and Fairchild (2002), this may be due to the fact that careful cooking and preparation methods can minimize consumer risk (unlike with mad cow disease); that the news coverage was short lived; and that consumers had already begun to commit to chicken while turning away from beef.
Brester and Smith (2008) have argued, however, that the 2003 declines were largely due to foreign bans as opposed to US consumers’ avoidance of beef.
Interestingly, however, she felt comfortable with eating meat off of the bone when it came to other types of cuts, and she proudly showed me a lamb shank that she was marinating.
Psychophysiological research further shows that morally offensive ideas, actions, and objects do not trigger the feelings of “physiological and subjective experience of revulsion” which are characteristic of disgust-based reactions (Ottaviani et al. 2013).
Increased media coverage of animal welfare issues has a statistically significant and negative impact on meat consumption (Tonsor and Olynk 2011). Between 1982 and 2008, media coverage of animal welfare issues steadily increased, particularly in the mid-to-late 2000s. The study included both positive and negative stories about animal welfare, and the authors make no attempt to distinguish between the two. The media impact is small but notable. Had media attention in 2008 remained at the same level as it was in 1999, Tonsor and Olynk’s (2011) model predicts that pork and poultry demand would have been 2.65 and 5.01 % higher, respectively. Beef demand has been less sensitive to animal welfare media coverage. The authors are unable to ascertain, however, the extent to which consumers become vegetarians as a result of this coverage.
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Chiles, R.M. Food System Fragility and Resilience in the Aftermath of Disruption and Controversy. J Agric Environ Ethics 29, 1021–1042 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10806-016-9645-4
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/s10806-016-9645-4