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Compensating Human–Wildlife Conflict in Protected Area Communities: Ground-Level Perspectives from Uttarakhand, India

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Abstract

This paper examines people’s experiences with economic compensation for losses due to human–wildlife conflict (HWC) in Uttarakhand, India. Employing a combination of qualitative and quantitative approaches, we used a case study approach to investigate (1) socio-economic characteristics of applicant versus non-applicant households, (2) explanations for why only some households chose to apply, and (3) perceptions of program effectiveness. We found that despite widespread complaints, the participation rate was only 37%. Our results broadly support the findings of other studies which have identified inadequate remuneration, processing delays, and corruption as key problems. However, we also found that non-participation was itself a critical problem. Our study indicates that participation in the scheme was shaped by factors including wealth, gender, social networks, and pre-existing expectations. We highlight the need for improved communication about what “compensation” can and should be, advocate for reconceptualizations of compensation that are more closely based on ground-level realities, and point to the potential for alternative forms of payment to be more sustainable and socially just.

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Notes

  1. While it is by now well recognized that the incorporation of “local” perspectives and knowledge is critical for the development of participatory approaches to natural resources management (Warren et al. 1995; Stevens 1997; Berkes 1999; c.f., Rocheleau 1996), operationalization of the “local” can nevertheless be problematic (Agrawal 1995; Agrawal and Gibson 2001). Here, we use the term “local” to refer to perspectives drawn from members of the PA dependent community, as opposed to those originating outside of the village.

  2. Other assets and capabilities related to HWC could also include the strategies, materials, physical abilities, and economic assets that enable people to prevent or cope with conflict, the analyses of which are beyond the scope of this paper.

  3. The definition of household employed in the study was based on that used by the Census of India, i.e., “a group of persons who normally live together and take their meals from a common kitchen” (GOI 2007). It should be noted, however, that not all joint-families delineated and identified their own households in this manner.

  4. Although we are aware of the importance of power hierarchies structured by caste, we intentionally refrained from asking respondents to report their caste identity or amount of household income (though we attempted to collect information about these areas in other less intrusive ways). We felt strongly that it was important to respect the sensitivities of our key informants, whose behaviors and expressed desires on the subject were consistent with our own in terms of seeking to discourage perpetuation of casteism in village society. While this decision may have limited the range of analytical tests to which we could subject our data, we hold that it ultimately strengthened our relationships with study participants and helped to promote reliability in responses.

  5. Voluntary relief given out of compassion or sympathy, but without acceptance of liability. We are grateful to Dr. Raman Sukumar for pointing out that the term “ex-gratia” relief is typical amongst policymakers, though it should be noted that in our experience, the term “compensation” is nevertheless used by foresters, villagers, and researchers alike.

  6. For example, in a number of cases our request to administer the survey was denied because a member had already taken part in an in-depth interview or focus group and did not understand why we wished to speak with someone else in the household. In other cases, the joint-family arrangement made it difficult to establish the number of households within a house; this proved to be especially problematic when multiple members of the extended household were present during survey administration, as was frequently the case.

  7. As compensation is not available for losses/injuries incurred within the PA, respondents were asked to provide this information separately (reported in Ogra 2006).

  8. According to our interview with the Chief Wildlife Warden, the claim is to be filed by the landowner. From the Forest Department’s point of view, there is an expectation that the relevant arrangement between landowners and tenants would have been agreed upon prior to the filing of a compensation claim.

  9. Although we acknowledge that there are limits to the generalizability of the case study data, we follow Robert Yin (2003) in noting that our goal is not to make statistical generalizations, but rather to expand and contribute to theoretical approaches to questions about who participates in compensation schemes and why.

  10. Our experience suggests that that there would not be great differences among villages located around the park, but we are not aware of any studies that have looked specifically at this question.

  11. Furthermore, we would view efforts by the State to absolve itself of (at least partial) responsibility for HWC around protected areas to be unacceptable.

  12. In India “eco-development” efforts seek to integrate Forest Department activities with those of other government agencies; it represents a government-initiated effort to reduce economic dependence on protected areas though the promotion of alternative livelihoods, social welfare activities, and conservation awareness (Badola 1999; cf., Panwar 1992; Badola et al. 2002).

  13. The Pradhan is a political (elected) head of the village, the most “local-level” leader under the multitier Panchayati Raj governance structure (which operates at village, block, and district level).

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Acknowledgements

Support for this research was generously provided by the National Science Foundation (DDRI No 0233402), Fulbright Fellowship Program, Boren Graduate Fellowship Program, Department of Geography and Developing Areas Research and Teaching (DART) Program of the University of Colorado, the Wildlife Institute of India (WII), and Gettsyburg College. We also wish to thank Rachel Silvey, J. Terrence McCabe, Lisa Naughton, S.A. Hussain, Shivani Chandola, Rutherford V. Platt, and three anonymous reviewers for their valuable insights and assistance. Our deepest thanks go to the residents of Bhalalogpur for accepting us into their community and supporting our research efforts.

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Ogra, M., Badola, R. Compensating Human–Wildlife Conflict in Protected Area Communities: Ground-Level Perspectives from Uttarakhand, India. Hum Ecol 36, 717–729 (2008). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10745-008-9189-y

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