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Governing Through Partnerships: Neoconservative Governance and State Reliance on Religious NGOs in Drug Policy

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Abstract

This article examines states’ pursuit of partnerships with non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as a strategy of governance in drug policy. State actors have used partnerships with religious NGOs to provide treatment services and disseminate messages about prevention. I investigate the emergence of such partnerships, drawing attention to neoconservatism as a political rationality associated with the rise of the New Right. I analyze officials’ justifications and strategies for including religious NGOs in such partnerships, using archival data on drug policies in Ohio and beginning with the formation of the statewide addiction services agency in 1989. The results demonstrate how officials have increasingly recognized the characteristics of the religious community by emphasizing their social service delivery and by framing religious leaders as health educators. Given the results, I consider the impacts of partnerships for the autonomy of organizations, the oversight of care, and the generation of images of an engaged community.

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Notes

  1. This rhetoric is occasionally used by Democrats, such as former Senator Joe Donnelly of Indiana.

  2. I focus on neoconservative ideas pertaining to domestic policy, the development of which is associated with Irving Kristol, Charles Murray, Norman Podhoretz, and James Q. Wilson (for a discussion, see, e.g., Brown 2006; Garland 2001; Olasky 1992). For a related discussion of the idea of the “community’s right to order” tied to the influential political campaign of Republican Barry Goldwater in 1964, see Flamm (2005). In international policy, in contrast, neoconservatism is a position espousing ideological interventions in world events. The phrases, “New Right” or “Third New Right,” are also used to describe supporters of US President Donald J. Trump, though this article does not discuss this nascent usage or development of ideas.

  3. Governing through partnerships accounts for just one of several kinds of relationships possible between the state and civic sector, such as social movement activism targeting the state (as with prohibition in the 1920s and 1930s in the US) and state capture of civic organizations (as in Nazi Germany).

  4. Civic groups bring their own agendas into these partnerships; for discussions pertaining to religious organizations, see Brunson et al. (2015) and Sager (2010). How and why they enter partnerships and implement or reject official discourses is an important topic that is beyond the scope of this article.

  5. Religious nonprofits are newer iterations of older organizational forms, including the lay religious order (Berger 2003).

  6. The forging of religious interests with those of states has been extensive across history, beginning with the inquisition, the criminalization of witchcraft, and post-reformation theocracies (Federici 2014).

  7. The recruitment of religious organizations to undertake social service work with the poor also reflected an effort to expand the Republican Party base. The use of conferences notably reflected a desire to win the support of the Black religious community (McRoberts 2015; Sager 2010).

  8. Reagan’s War on Drugs, which he launched in 1982, extended far beyond prior administrations in its scale and scope (see Alexander 2010).

  9. Lawmakers and the media have an extensive history of racialized treatment of people consuming drugs and alcohol (Campbell 2000; Ghatak 2010; Reinarman and Levine 1997. An example is the 100-to-1 rule for cocaine sentencing that was established through the Anti-Drug Abuse Act of 1986, which has contributed to the egregious overrepresentation of African-Americans among those incarcerated for drug offenses (Dollar 2019). The Fair Sentencing Act of 2010 reduced, but did not eliminate, the disparity in sentences for powder and crack cocaine.

  10. Ohio has a longer history of civic organizations concerned about drugs and alcohol and their social effects, including the Women’s Christian Temperance Union and Anti-Saloon League in the early twentieth century, which mobilized religious rhetoric and church resources (Williams 1989).

  11. These cities are in Hamilton, Cuyahoga, and Franklin Counties, respectively. Of these, crack cocaine reached Cuyahoga County’s drug markets first—in 1985. All three counties have a higher proportion African-Americans than most Ohio counties, which influences the discourses used and denominations represented in ways that are difficult to assess without a more detailed comparison to other counties in Ohio.

  12. Governor Celeste entered office in 1983, although I begin the analysis when ODADAS was established in 1989.

  13. Governor Voinovich, who had already been elected to the Senate, resigned 11 days before the end of his term as governor, and his lieutenant governor (Hollister) became governor.

  14. The OHC holds documents related to governmental decisions, policies, and procedures.

  15. At the Ohio History Connection, I focused on content in 18 boxes of materials (18 cubic feet) that covered these agencies, offices, or topics: the Office of the Governor (Agency Status Reports, Chief of Staff, Chief Policy Advisor, Governor’s Office of Community and Faith-Based Initiatives, Communication with State Agencies, Legal Division, Legislative, Public Safety and Criminal Justice Department); the Department of Public Welfare; and Education and Workforce Development. While reading documents at the archive, I transcribed statements from politicians recorded in documents (or copies).

  16. In January of 2019, Mike DeWine (R) was sworn in as governor. I do not analyze policies from his administration.

  17. I also met with Governor Strickland in the fall of 2017 to discuss the range of records from his administration.

  18. While reading long bills, I limited the analysis to content appearing around keywords related to “drugs,” “faith,” and “religion.”

  19. A further complication is the addition of fentanyl and carfentanil into heroin, which has contributed to a growing number of overdose deaths since 2013 (Ohio Department of Health 2018).

  20. As a related issue, when religious organizations do not receive governmental funding, they may operate outside governmental rules that prohibit proselytization.

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Acknowledgements

The research was made possible through funding from an Ohio University Research Council award and the Ohio University Department of Sociology & Anthropology Mills Award. I owe special thanks to the archivists at the Ohio History Connection in Columbus and to Harrison Brill, David Dennis, Nick Eaton, Devynne Eldridge, Katie Geyer, Lillian Hebb, Brendan Hunstad, Jessica Limle, Jacqueline Lynch, Joshua Mathias, Victoria Ream, Lillia Sammler, and Casey Tisdale for their research assistance. I extend gratitude to Avi Brisman and the journal’s anonymous reviewers, as well as to Luther Elliot, Loren Goldman, Stuart Kaufman, Daniel Moak, Smoki Musaraj, Michelle Phelps, Chez Rumpf, Atef Said, Ellen Scott, Kirstine Taylor, and Megan Welsh, participants in the critical dialogues session on “The Treatment-Industrial Complex” at the annual meeting of the Society for the Study of Social Problems in August 2018, and participants in the session entitled “Values in the Criminal Justice System” at the annual meeting of the American Society of Criminology in November 2017.

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    Nicole Kaufman

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Kaufman, N. Governing Through Partnerships: Neoconservative Governance and State Reliance on Religious NGOs in Drug Policy. Crit Crim 29, 589–611 (2021). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10612-020-09492-7

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